The very idea of a suburb in the United States has long been promoted as a safe,
affordable family-friendly place; that is, as an alternative to a
less-desirable, polluted, somewhat dangerous urban neighborhood, and one dense
with rental units. Historically in Europe and Africa a suburb is usually the
opposite. There the upwardly mobile live in the city and the working poor live
in a city’s outer ring.
Real estate developers marketed the U.S. notion
of suburb even before the Civil War, explains Elaine Lewinnek in The Working Man’s Reward: Chicago’s Early
Suburbs and the Roots of American Sprawl (Oxford University Press, 2014).
At first, the ideal suburb was an area just outside the center city. A
neighborhood like Bridgeport in Chicago (home to our White Sox) was a suburb
until its 1889 annexation into the city. Riverside, Illinois, was likely the
first planned suburb in the country; designed by Frederick Law Olmsted in 1868.
Riverside is 14 miles from Chicago’s Loop, among the first ring of suburbs. A
suburban population boom occurred in the years after World War II into the
1970s. World War II also accelerated black migration from the South to Northern
cities. In those years, Lewinnek concludes, the promotion of suburbs “merged
with ideas about class and race.”
Now the pattern is reversed. Suburbs, writes
Mike Gecan in After America’s Mid-Life
Crisis (MIT Press, 2009), are “no longer young, no longer trendy, no longer
the place to be, no longer without apparent limitations or constraints.” In
fact, the number of suburban poor has increased by over twice the number of
urban poor within the past 15 years. The median age in all those first ring
suburbs (with some exceptions, notably among those that developed prior to
World War II) has increased—in some places slowly, other places quite
noticeably.
With an increased senior citizen population and
with a low attraction rate for young professionals the first-ring suburbs have
a “pattern of development [that] doesn’t yield enough tax revenue to pay for
the infrastructure needed to support” their current residents, says
Leigh Gallagher in The End of Suburbs
(Penguin Press, 2013). Add to this picture fragmented local
governments, a wholesale restructuring and relocation of job opportunities,
changed immigration
patterns, global economic factors and more. The
appeal of suburban life might persist for some people, Gallagher writes, but
the suburban locales of the 1950s to 1970s are passé. Those who presume an
idyllic suburbia now look at places “located so far from [the city] that they
are not really a suburb of anything.” And those exurbs are hardly immune from
new realities.
The first ring suburbs and maybe more so those
in so-called collar counties are, says Gecan, in the throes of a “midlife
crisis.” Though some remain in denial about this fact, it is “better to face
reality,” he advises.
How? For
starters, realize that prosperity is not caused by hardware. Therefore
renovating a suburban train station or, heaven forbid, opening an even bigger
mall will alone not address the situation.
Likewise demographic trends do not cause poverty. Both prosperity and
poverty are a function of political (in the wide sense of the word) and
cultural decisions. To be continued…
Droel
is editor of INITIATIVES (www.catholiclabor.org/NCL.htm),
a
newsletter about faith and work.
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