The politics of today demand some philosophical analysis. We are overwhelmed with alternative reality, alternative truth; ‘incredible’ has become a superlative for ‘credible.’ Views on Epistemology and Philosophical psychology need to be brought into the conversation. We live in parallel universes; how is politics possible?
Consider the impeachment trial; should Trump be removed from
office? Are there facts that cannot be
denied? I don’t think I’m changing the
subject by asking: will the revised NAFTA improve the situation of Mexican
workers or is it more oppressive? What
about the environment?
Pilate asked, “What is Truth?” Jesus had said, “If you make
my word your home you will indeed be my disciples, you will learn the truth and
the truth will make you free.” But, as
Pilate, we have choice; we observe what we care to observe and we judge
according to our own criteria; it is intentional. The basic question we ask determines the answer.
What is the really real? – Idealism – the supernatural overrules
the natural. Puritans -John Winthrop, William Wilberforce
What are the causes? – Realism – nature can be known and nature is
the criteria, Lincoln, John Courtney Murray, S.J., St. Francis of Assisi, Native
Americans
What works? – Pragmatism, evil means are justified by a good end,
research data is reality, Jefferson, Gillet, compassion can be a criterion.
Why me and not nothing? – Existentialism, my feelings are reality and
the criteria
Why does only nothing make sense? -
Absurdism – Barbarism – might makes right, Donald Trump
In dialogue all five may converge with the same or similar answer.
John Courtney Murray, S.J. quotes from Thomas
Gilby’s book, Between Community and Society:
“…The basic standard
of civility is not in doubt: ‘Civilization
is formed by men locked together in argument.
From this dialogue the community becomes a political community.’” (1)
Courtney Murray notes that this quote:
“..expresses the mind
of Thomas Aquinas, who was himself giving refined expression to the tradition
of classic antiquity, which in its prior turn had given first elaboration to
the concept of the ‘civil multitude,’ the multitude that is not a mass or a herd
or a huddle, because it is characterized by civility.” (2)
Nominalism and
Realism
The philosophical question: what does it mean that all men are created
equal is a truth we hold? What is the value of human knowledge? The question was asked by the ancient Greeks.
Aristotle and Plato accepted the validity
of human knowledge while Socrates and the Sophists gave little or no value to
human thought. In the middle ages the
debate was between the Nominalists and the Realists. The Realists accepted the complete
validity of knowledge; the Nominalists did not, or were skeptical.
The Nominalist Roscelin (1050-1120) was the opponent of ultra realism. “Roscelin held that the universal is a mere
word.” (3) His adversary was William of Champeaux, who held that universals had
a being of their own; “… that every name or term supposes a corresponding
reality.” (4) William of Champeaux (1070-1120), “… the same essential nature is
wholly present at the same time in each of the individual members of the
species in question.” (5)
Moderate realists accepted the value of human knowledge but
in itself universals were not a subsistent entity but relevant constructs. Examples would be the monk Abalard and
probably his lover Eloise as well as Thomas Aquinas.
Copleston, S.J. writes:
“… St. Thomas declares that universals are not subsistent
things but exist only in singular things.”
“The objective
foundation of the universal specific concept is thus the objective and
individual essence of the thing, which essence is by the activity of the mind
set free from individualizing factors, that is, according to Thomas, matter, and considered in abstraction.” (6)
The process of abstraction comes from the writings on psychology by Aristotle,
provided by Muslim and Jewish theologians from works formerly not available in the
West.
For the sake of discussion, let us classify Idealists as followers
of Plato, Realists as followers of Aristotle, Pragmatists as followers of the
Sophists and Existentalists and Absurdists as followers of Socrates. None fit
perfectly in a category and overlap but dominant tendencies are discernible.
In CONGRESS, JULY 4, 1776
The unanimous
Declaration of the thirteen united States of America,
“We hold
these truths to be self evident that all men are created equal, that they are
endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”
Here is the basis of political exceptionalism.
Let us look at what the writer of the document, Thomas Jefferson, intended
and how Abraham Lincoln gave it new meaning at Gettysburg.
Thomas Jefferson,
Principal Author of the Declaration of Independence
Lincoln had great admiration for Jefferson. He wrote, “who [Jefferson] was, is, and
perhaps will continue to be, the most distinguished politician in our history.”
“The
principles of Jefferson are the definitions and axioms of free society…” “[Jefferson] had the … capacity to introduce
into a merely revolutionary document, an abstract truth, applicable to all men
at all times…” (7)
But Jefferson as a pragmatist (What works is Good-True) supported
the Constitution that upheld slavery. He
had denounced the slave trade and was forced to remove a complaint on King George
III from the Declaration under pressure from delegates to the Continental
Congress. The sentence read, “He (George
lll) has prostituted his negative for suppressing every legislative attempt to
prohibit or to restrain this execrable commerce.” (8)
Slave owners were amenable to the revolution
and independence because of anti slavery sentiment in England led by William
Wilberforce and the Methodists. (Idealists)
Lincoln was a realist and strongly influenced by Unitarian
Transcendentalists such as George Bancroft and Theodore Parker. Ralph Waldo
Emerson and other writers should be included.
They said that nature itself was a guide for moral decisions. The ‘self evident’ was revealed by nature
itself. Lincoln and the others saw the
Declaration of Independence as a road map to the ‘City on the Hill.’ (Winthrop
1630) The Constitution is the law, a practical document for now, but can be
improved at the direction of the principles laid out in the Declaration. “It is
self evident that all are created equal,” gives the document an international
dimension. J. Courtney Murray wrote: “Today
in fact as in theory, the national interest must be related to this
international realization, which stands higher and more ultimate in political
value than itself.” (9) The rights of Mexican workers must be part of any trade deal. Also nature itself must be a priority.
The feeling that our politics presently put us in two
separate universes is not new. Let’s
look at a book written by Ransom H. Gillet, Democracy in the United States,
Appleton and Company, New York, 1868.
Gillet was a democratic politician. (Pragmatist) He was a consultant for
Presidents Van Buren and Polk, (Mexican War opposed by Lincoln) “and that no
man living commanded more the respect of Chief Justice Taney.” (Dred Scott Decision
– slaves are property) He did not
like Lincoln and sympathized with the position of the South on Slavery. Gillet opposed secession because he thought
that the issue of tariffs and States Rights could be negotiated and did not consider
slavery as a cause for pressure on the ambitions of the South.
According to Gillet, “In principle he (Lincoln) was
thoroughly anti-democratic …” (10)
A quote in Gillet’s book on the Civil War from a southern
gentleman, Hon. Cave Johnson, (March 2, 1862) on the cause of the war: “When Andy Johnson (Lincoln’s V.P.) with
fifty or one hundred thousand men is sent here for our governor, and Fremont is
sent to abolitionize eastern Tennessee and West Virginia, can there be a doubt
that subjection and abolishment of slavery are the main objects of the war.”
(11)
A strong supporter of of the legacy of Jefferson in 1868 but
saw the Constitution as the basic doctrine of democracy, Gillet wrote that adversaries
of democracy propose “Laws higher than the Constitution have been proclaimed as
the rightful rule of action, and necessity put forth as a source of superior
power.” (12)
Equality meant equality for property owners. “EQUALITY THE ONLY HONEST BASIS FOR
LEGISLATION” heads a section in Gillet’s
book. (13) Concerns are simply economic
yet in his first inaugural address Jefferson, quoted by Gillet mentioned “adoring
an over ruling Providence.” (14)
For Lincoln Equality meant the end of slavery. Lincoln argued in a debate with Douglas:
“I agree with Judge
Douglas he (the Negro) is not my equal in many respects-certainly not in color,
perhaps not in moral or intellectual endowment. But in the right to eat the
bread, without the leave of anybody else, which his own had earns, he is my
equal and the equal of Judge Douglas and the equal of every living man.” (15)
Current
Politics
All six of the previously mentioned groups have their blind spots,
but truth, knowledge of reality, can be achieved by all simply for survival. Some refuse to distinguish between self interest
and the common good, and therefore abuse of power is not an impeachable
offence.
Alexander Hamilton wrote in The Federalist:
“A well constituted
court for the trial of impeachments is an object not more to be desired than
difficult to be obtained in a government wholly elective. The subjects of its jurisdiction are those
offenses which proceed from the misconduct of public men, or in other words
from abuse or violation of public trust. They are of a nature which may with
peculiar property be demonstrated POLITICAL, as they relate to injuries done immediately
to the society itself.” (16)
Refusal to recognize the obvious makes dialogue impossible. When
obvious truth is contested we have reached the barbaric.
As noted earlier, Thomas Gilby, O.P. said that, “civilization is formed by men locked
together in argument.” (17) What is missing from the formula is men
and women locked together in the celebration and thanksgiving for life. Panis et vinum sunt veritas.
Footnotes:
1. John
Courtney Murray, S.J., We Hold These Truths, Sheed and Ward, New York,
1960, p. 6.
2. Murray, p.
6.
3. Frederick Copleston
S.J., History of the Middle Ages. Vol.2 Pt.1, Image Books, N.Y.1962, p. 164.
4. Copleston,
p. 162.
5. Copleston,
p. 168.
6. Copleston,
p. 175.
7. Wills, Gary, Lincoln
at Gettysburg, Simon & Schuster, New York, 1992, p. 142. 142 8. Richard
B. Morris, Encyclopedia of American History, Harper&Brothers, N.Y., 1961,p.542 p.5 9. Murray, p. 287.
10. Ransom H. Gillet, Democracy in the United
States, Appleton and Company, N.Y., 1868, p.261.
11. Murray, p.
268.
12. Murray, p. 6.
13. Murray, p.
121.
14. Murray, p.
21.
15. Wills, p. 98. 16. Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, James Madison, The
Federalist, The Modern Library, N. Y., Section 6, p. 425.
17. Murray, p. 6.
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