Most grammar school and high school
students encounter Cesar Chavez (1927-1993) in one or another textbook. He is
heralded as a pioneer in organizing agricultural workers and as a champion of
Mexican-Americans. So in September 1965 who were those farm workers who went on
strike and whose action launched a boycott that brought Chavez to national
attention? The workers were Filipino-Americans.
Today’s students and others probably
assume that farm worker unions hardly existed until Chavez and others created
the National Farm Workers Association in September 1962, writes David Bacon in Dollars
& Sense (June/18). Not true. Larry Itliong (1913-1977), a
Filipino-American, walked his first picket line in 1930, and even he did not
invent farm worker organizing. The United Cannery, Agricultural, Packing and
Allied Workers, affiliated with the CIO, was long active in the State of
Washington, Alaska and California. Itliong was involved with UCAPAW and in the
late 1940s he led strikes among asparagus pickers, Bacon details. In 1959 an
Agricultural Workers Organizing Committee was formed in the merged AFL-CIO. In
the summer of 1965 Itliong led a successful AWOC strike in the Coachella
Valley.
On September 8, 1965 Itliong gathered
hundreds of workers into Filipino Community Hall in Delano, California for a
vote to strike the area’s grape growers. It was a bold move and Itliong
realized he needed help. As is common with ethnic groups, Filipino-Americans
and Mexican-Americans did not easily mingle in the community. Plus the two
ethnic groups competed for jobs. Yet Itliong approached Chavez to join in the
strike. Until then, Chavez was spending his time building the base and
lobbying; he had yet to launch any job action; only 200 workers were paying
dues to his NFWA. But Chavez realized his opportunity and within two weeks
joined forces with the Filipino-Americans. Thus began the now famous Delano
Grape Strike and National Boycott. Four flags were prominent in the first
demonstration: the U.S. flag of course plus the flag of the Philippines, of
Mexico and the flag/banner of Our Lady of Guadalupe.
In time the group’s named was changed
to United Farm Workers Organizing Committee and then to United Farm Workers
Union (www.ufw.org). Itliong served as an assistant to the new union, including
as director of national boycotts.
The efficacy of organizing requires
some oiled hinges. For example, on one side there is hyperbole and some
boastfulness. On the other there is thoughtful compromise. On one side the
organizer agitates hesitant people. On the other side the organizer affirms
people, even as they belatedly take small steps. On one side of the door the
organizer fosters fierce loyalty within the group, enough to withstand external
criticism. On the other side of internal fidelity the organizer must create
openness to wider society, a commitment to inclusiveness and dispel tribalism.
On one side the organizer must
project confident charismatic qualities to attract busy and creative leaders.
On the other side the organizer must stay out of the limelight, nurture
collective leadership and dampen personality factions. For Chavez, “loyalty to
Chavez” often superseded the development of leaders and the external mission of
the organization, as Mirian Pawel details in her sympathetic biography The
Crusades of Cesar Chavez (Bloomsbury, 2014). His style was too often
arbitrary. In fact, over time Chavez imported the cult-like techniques of
Synanon into the UFW. Like all of us, Itliong had faults. But he spoke against
Chavez’ authoritarianism. The problem, Chavez replied to Itliong, is that “you
won’t obey my orders.” Thus in October 1971, Itliong resigned from UFW.
Organizing farm workers is still
difficult. It is probably more difficult than in the mid-1960s. A new strategy,
called worker centers, shows promise.
These are not unions and cannot directly have labor contracts. This restriction
is advantageous in some situations, though worker centers have shortcomings.
The Coalition of Immokalee Workers
(www.ciw-online) is the best-known worker center. One-by-one CIW cajoles a
major food outlet to join its Fair Food Program. The outlet agrees to purchase
only from Fair Food certified vegetable growers. Those growers, in turn, have
agreed to pay a couple pennies more to farm workers for each bushel of, let’s
say, picked tomatoes. Burger King, Taco Bell and more are participating. The
CIW cajoling, you already suspect, includes national boycotts, demonstrations
and more.
There are also unions of farm
workers. Farm Labor Organizing Committee (www.floc.com), based in Toledo, Ohio
and affiliated with AFL-CIO, has a respectable history. Along the turf where
Itliong once tread, is recently formed Familias Unidas por la Justicia
(www.familiasunidasjusticia.org), an independent union. It brokered a positive
relationship between berry pickers and Sakuma Farms. First though Familias
Unidas had to wage a national boycott of Driscoll Berries and Haagen-Dazs ice
cream—both of whom purchase from Sakuma Farms.
Our National Park Service has a Cesar
Chavez Monument in Keene, California. Johnny Itliong, Larry’s son, and others
want the Park Service to expand with perhaps a site in Delano, California and
to honor Itliong, Filipino-American farm workers and all those who act for
agricultural justice.
Droel’s
booklet, What Is Social Justice, can be obtained from National Center
for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629; $5)
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