Confession: the Abandoned Sacrament By Bill Droel

The practice of regular confession formed Catholic identity in our country for decades, promoting a sense of belonging. It provided a clear moral method for a seemingly well-defined world. It conveyed that hard things are worth doing. The sacrament also taught equality in that the commonality of sin could be seen every Saturday afternoon. To be sure, “for some people confession was meaningful and consoling,” details James O’Toole in For I Have Sinned: Rise and Fall of Catholic Confession in America (Harvard University, 2025).

Starting in 1968, however, “with a speed that may fairly be described as breathtaking, confession all but disappeared.” Already by 1975 a full 38% of self-identified Catholics never went to confession. Responding to a 1985 survey, clergy said the sacrament is “close to dead.” Yes, there are recent reports of students at the University of Notre Dame and a few other places lining the aisle for confession. Yes, a handful of the usual suspects still find their way to a parish confessional box or room now and then. “But the general picture remains unchanged,” O’Toole writes.

O’Toole begins by stating his challenge as a historian. The sacrament was inviolable. No matter what, a person’s confession was never disclosed. So how to find data? O’Toole patiently gathers plenty of material to produce an interesting, credible story. His sources include old Catholic magazines, particularly the “Question Box” columns, plus old parish bulletins, diaries, surveys of penitents and more.

Why the abandonment? Is there a way to revive the sacrament? If so, how?

The decline of confession was caused by all the modern cultural trends that erode the sacred and contribute to lower church membership. Additionally, internal factors, both those of commission and omission, dealt damaging blows.

For decades second graders (parochial and public schoolers) learned the basics of confession as a prerequisite to their first communion. Invariably both the formula and the content of one’s grammar school confession persisted. Eventually, adults decided that the triviality of the exercise wasn’t worth their effort.

As children advanced in school, distinctions in morality appeared, including actual grace vs sanctifying grace, venial sin vs mortal sin, remote occasion of sin vs proximate occasion, sin of commission vs omission,

and objective sin vs sin of full knowledge and will. During senior year of high school, students might hear about the complex principle of double effect. There also were lists about ethics for students to memorize, including the ten commandments, the six precepts or church duties and the seven works of mercy (now expanded to eight). Unwittingly this framework for morality could often overshadow a feeling of God’s loving forgiveness, the real purpose of the sacrament.

O’Toole devotes a chapter to the tension between psychological counseling and confession. As psychiatry developed from the late 1800s, it took a subtle toll on the Catholic outlook, “preparing the way for a steep decline in the practice of confession,” he writes.

The Catholic teaching on contraception as proclaimed in 1930 and reaffirmed in 1968 distinguished between acceptable natural means and sinful artificial means. Catholics quickly challenged the premise of the 1968 teaching. They protested, deciding that the confessional box was irrelevant to their intimate behavior.

In 1984 came a report about the child abuse of Fr. Gilbert Gauthe of Louisiana. Revelation of hundreds of other cases followed. More Catholics stopped confessing sin through a priest, scandalized by the terrible hypocrisy of bishops and other clergy regarding this deviance.

Is a comeback possible for this sacrament? The 1974 change in the name of the sacrament from confession/penance to reconciliation/forgiveness better reflects its good purpose. But that alone has not affected the numbers. In the early 1970s an experiment with a communal form of reconciliation became popular in parishes. For a time, it drew large numbers. However, the Vatican and local bishops disapproved of the form beginning in 1976. Also, Catholics began to understand the penitential rite during each Mass as close enough to the older type of confession which they abandoned.

Here and there, O’Toole mentions social sin, a concept found in both theology and the social sciences. A few young adults use the term in describing their sensitivity to destruction of the environment or in their opposition to racism and the persistence of homophobia.

There are young adults who in small groups and in movements have the courage to voice their complicity in social sinfulness. With patient listening, the whole church might hear from them elements for a fresh sacrament of penance. There is certainly a need for objective morality today, for reverence and for genuine forgiveness. Our libertarian culture now reduces all behavior to the art of the deal. An alternative culture of responsibility and mercy awaits creative types to devise necessary rituals.

Droel edits a print newsletter on faith and work, INITIATIVES (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629).

I was union leader and Democratic delegate. Party needs to hear these truths. Frank Shansky - Special to Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

 In March, the Democratic Party hit an all-time polling low. Their low poll numbers come, despite Trump wrecking the economy

With a decisive win in the Wisconsin State Supreme court race and Donald Trump's polling cratering, Democrats in Wisconsin and nationwide appear to be full of themselves in thinking they may have turned the tide in winning over working class voters.

But as bad as Trump is doing, Democrats are doing even worse. In March, the Democratic Party hit an all-time polling low. Their low poll numbers come, despite Trump wrecking the economy, arresting sitting Judges, and helping his billionaire funders, like Elon Musk.

Ironically, the reasons behind the Supreme Court victory, should give Democrats a wakeup call.

Wisconsin Supreme Court victory grew out of opposition

Just take a look at the Supreme Court race. What were the issues that drove voters to the polls, besides contempt for Elon Musk? They were all issues having to do with combatting the other side’s agenda and what Republicans took away:

-Abortion and the freedom to make your own medical decisions

-Gerrymandering and the right to have air elections

-Union rights and the right of employees to have a voice in the workplace through Act 10 and right to work laws. 

The Democrats were right to fight all the Republican attacks on our freedoms, but working people want more than just opposing the other side.  They want policies that actually make their life better, and on that, Democrats have failed.

Working people don't want to go back to the pre-Trump era, as Democrats seem to think.  The very reason trump became popular was because those times weren't good for mainstream Americans.  Just look at Milwaukee.

Why is Trump popular?  Look at Milwaukee manufacturing jobs.

When I was a young man, I was offered employment at three manufacturing sites in the same week:  AO Smith, American Motors and Allis-Chalmers.  Three companies that paid a living wage, good retirement benefits and good health insurance.

Those companies are long gone, along with so many others, including Cutler Hammer, Ladish, Harnishfeger, Allen Bradley and the list goes on.  What they all had in common were family supporting jobs and strong unions that make a good life possible. 

Where did that work go?  Thanks to NAFTA, and other "free" trade agreements, supported by Democrats (thanks, Bill Clinton) and Republicans, those companies fled or fell to the wayside trying to compete with cheap and in many cases, slave labor, abroad.

And now who is talking about bringing back American jobs?  It's Donald Trump, not the Democrats.  His plan is unserious and has no chance for success, but he realizes, unlike most Democrats, what is bothering working families.  

Democrats, while certainly less onerous than Republicans, have failed miserably to fight for an agenda that would attract working people.

Here are 4 winning issues for the Democratic Party's agenda

What would a bold agenda look like that would move Trump voters;  let's start with just a few issues:  

1) Revitalizing the economy, centering on attracting jobs that have a legitimate change of growing in the United States.  That would include passing the PRO Act, a bill that has stalled Congress and would make it easier for workers to join unions and have a real voice on the job and earn a living wage.  It's no coincidence that when wealth in this country was more evenly divided, unions were strong.

2) Make medical care affordable and accessible by expanding Medicare to everyone.  

3) Reform our tax system, so the wealthy pay their fair share, rather having a society were one man makes more than 50% of the population.

4) Develop "fair" rather than "free" trade agreements, that emphasize what's in the interest of the American worker.  

This agenda is popular among the vast majority of people, but you will find few Democrats willing to pursue this.  Even now the only thing you hear from member in Congress and at the local and state level, is Trump bashing.

Democrats spent four years criticizing Trump's first term and then, when they took office, they offered a few decent, but certainly not bold, alternatives to Trump.  They lost office, once again, because their agenda was weak and did not meet the moment.  

Next time a Democrat runs for office in your area, ask them what their agenda is, rather than just what they're against.  Maybe it's time for a third party that actually has a popular agenda. 

Frank Shansky worked at the Allis Chalmers Corporation in the 1970's and 80's and was chairman of the UAW Local 248 bargaining committee.  He also served as the Director of the American Federation of Teachers Local 212 at Milwaukee Area Technical College for 30 years and was an elected delegate to the Democratic Party Convention twice.     

Wisconsin's Waters at Risk: The Fossil Fuel Industry's Billion-Dollar Burden on Taxpayers

 

Wisconsin: Land of shimmering lakes and life-giving streams. This natural beauty, the heart of our outdoor heritage, now faces a grave threat. The escalating climate crisis is poised to turn these pristine waters into stagnant, algae-choked wastelands – a future we cannot, and must not, accept.

We don't have to watch our beloved lakes and rivers degrade into murky shadows of their former glory. We cannot afford the devastating consequences of inaction: the increasing floods that swallow our neighborhoods, the crippling impact on our vital agriculture and tourism industries, and the staggering costs to our public health and schools.

But there is hope. Since it was formed in 2022, Wisconsin for Environmental Justice (WEJ) is a powerful coalition of environmental advocates, farmers, unions, faith leaders, tribal nations, youth groups and concerned citizens. United by a shared commitment, we are fighting to protect Wisconsin's environment for generations. Together, we can make a difference.

Our strategy is clear:

     1. Expose the Truth: We are committed to raising public awareness about the direct link between the fossil fuel industry and the climate crisis, and the staggering financial burden this crisis places on every Wisconsin taxpayer.

     2. Demand Accountability: We urge our state, cities, and counties to pursue legal action against the fossil fuel industry to recover the billions of dollars needed to address the damage they have caused.

The evidence is undeniable. A groundbreaking study commissioned by WEJ and released in the summer of 2024 reveals the shocking truth: decades of fossil fuel industry deception will cost Wisconsin taxpayers at least $16 billion by 2040 just to cope with the impacts of climate change.  This amounts to a staggering $1 billion yearly, $'s desperately needed for childcare, education, and our crumbling infrastructure.  

This isn't just about the environment; it's about your pocketbook. This study is the first comprehensive attempt to quantify the direct costs borne by Wisconsin taxpayers, from skyrocketing school closures and the relentless repair of storm-damaged roads and bridges to the overwhelming expenses of flood control and emergency services. These costs will only explode as extreme weather intensifies, diverting crucial funds from essential community investments.

Consider the stark reality facing communities across our state: Stevens Point could face $112.6 million in climate-related costs, Waukesha $117.8 million, and Milwaukee a staggering $554.1 million. In rural communities, the per-person burden is even more crushing. The tiny village of Benton could see $6,700 per resident in flood abatement costs, while Hamilton faces $4,200 per person.

This financial assault on Wisconsin families is unprecedented. With chilling foresight, the fossil fuel industry knew its actions would have catastrophic consequences. Yet, it chose to conceal the truth, prioritizing its immense profits over the well-being of our communities. Now, we, the taxpayers, are left to foot the bill for its reckless behavior.

The cost is already devastating. Between 2000 and 2020, Wisconsin endured 19 severe storms, two floods, and six drought-related billion-dollar disasters, totaling $100 billion in impacts, according to NOAA. Furthermore, Wisconsin spends approximately $14 billion annually importing fossil fuels – money that could be invested in our clean energy future, an industry that already contributes $16 billion to our state's economy. Wisconsin struggles to pay 1 billion annually for childcare, fund schools, and shore up aging infrastructure. On top of all that, according to the International Monetary Fund, fossil fuel subsidies in the United States totaled $ 757 billion in 2022. You add up all these costs, and the tax burden on each Wisconsin household is $ 53,278. 

The price of inaction is too high.

Across the nation, over 35 political jurisdictions, including states like Minnesota and soon-to-be-filing Michigan, and cities like Chicago, are already taking legal action against the fossil fuel industry. A quarter of all Americans now live in states fighting for accountability.  

Here in Wisconsin, our message is resonating. Mayors and county executives are recognizing the unsustainable burden on their budgets. We are also engaging in crucial discussions with 11 tribal governments, acknowledging their unique perspectives and the disproportionate impact of environmental damage on their communities.

The legacy of Wisconsin environmental champions like John Muir and Senator Gaylord Nelson calls us to action. Each of us has the power to make a difference, and your support is vital. 

Demand accountability. Protect our future. Visit www.w4ej.org to sign our petition and learn the specific cost estimates for your community and contact information for your elected officials. Share this urgent information with your friends, family, and neighbors.  

Our goal is clear: Justice in a court of law.

Wisconsin for Environmental Justice: A non-partisan, citizen-led, grassroots organization that advocates environmental justice and holds corporations accountable for actions that harm our communities.