The Working Catholic: Economic Ideologies by Bill Droel

The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (www.kul.pl/21.html) just published The Catholic Social Ethic by St. John Paul II (1920-2005). This two-volume text of 500+ pages dates from the 1950s, when Fr. Karol Wojtyla was a young parish priest/teacher. Scholars have long known about the text. In fact, about 300 copies were circulated among students and others in the 1950s. Jonathan Luxmoore, an expert on Catholicism in Eastern Europe, reported on the text a dozen years ago. He recently summarized the new book for Catholic News Service (1/19/19) and for The Tablet of London (2/2/19).

Just as there are Biblical fundamentalists who selectively invoke one or another Scripture verse to support their preconceived opinion, so too there are some papal fundamentalists among Catholics. For example, a small but influential number of Catholics in the U.S. and elsewhere pull a phrase from John Paul II or from Pope Benedict XVI to claim that Catholicism is in harmony with unrestricted capitalism (also called neoliberalism). Similarly, a few Catholics pull out one another phrase to say that Catholicism gives unqualified approval to Marxism. This new book by John Paul II got caught up in this pick-and-choose controversy, causing the long delay in publication.

The Catholic Social Ethic, along with John Paul II’s other writing and talks, shows that he never was a big fan of free market capitalism. He repeatedly rejected “individualistic liberalism.” Nor of course did John Paul II ever mount a defense of communism. Yet through study and experience of the communist regime in Poland, he was well-versed in Marxist themes.

John Paul II, Luxmoore says, recognized that Marxism appealed to young workers because of injustices in their situations. To connect with young adults, Catholicism must have a sophisticated alternative to Marxism. It cannot merely condemn a mistaken ideology. Catholicism must furnish an approach to social justice and peace that fits the daily comings-and-goings of young adults. John Paul II, along with several other Polish theologians including Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski (1901-1981), set about crafting an accessible theology of work.

In contrast to materialistic capitalism, John Paul II popularized the principle of the priority of labor over capital. That is, the worker is the subject of work; not the investment of money. Yes, investments are part of production and service delivery. But the purpose of the enterprise is the worker. According to John Paul II, the word worker is inclusive--managers, owners on the scene, shop hands, janitors, truck drivers, clerks, all those who in some way fashion and distribute the service or the product.

In contrast to materialistic communism, John Paul II outlined a spirituality of work which integrates business, family life, civic involvement and more with fidelity to Jesus’ gospel.

Young adults are familiar with today’s materialisms and other empty ideologies: careerism, cost-benefit analysis, consumerism, conspiracy theories, extreme individualism in economics and culture, relativism (or what the White House calls alternative facts), and more.

Some Catholic leaders say they are interested in young adults. Maybe so. But does a young adult ever come upon ideas and experiences within Catholicism that suggest an alternative to the harshness of work, to the arbitrariness in society or to our vacuous culture? Would a young adult ever hear themes about work expressed in spiritual terms? John Paul II’s theology of work project is suggestive, but not enough. Other theologians and particularly interested young Catholics have to take the matter a few steps further: More sources, more reflections, more conversations and for sure more focused action for justice and peace within the workaday world.

At the moment, The Catholic Social Ethic is available in Polish. Perhaps a condensed English version can be published soon. Perhaps it could include a few pastoral comments and top out at let’s say 200 pages.

Droel is editor of John Paul II’s Gospel of Work (National Center for the Laity, PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629; $7)

MAY 1ST AND PREDICADORES DE JUSTICIA, WISCONSIN - 2019

   “Predicadores de Justicia” is an off-shoot of a program originated in Chicago by Ms. Kim Bobo founder of the Interfaith Community for Worker Justice.  The program is called – Labor in the Pulpits and is successfully used throughout the country as part of the U.S. Labor Day celebration.  Workers present homilies on labor justice on the week before Labor Day. The purpose was to give workers a voice for justice in the churches.  Milwaukee participated in the program for many years.

The New Sanctuary Movement of Voces de la Frontera, has been using the program, calling it Predicadores de Justicia for International Labor Day, May 1^st. 

Voces members preach homilies to explain the meaning of International Labor Day and relate it to the current struggle for justice.  Preachers connect the scripture readings of the day to the Labor Day message as a guide and inspiration for their preaching of justice. A sample homily follows.

Readings: Second Sunday of Easter – April 28, 2019

1.    Acts 5:27-32, Focus: “We must obey God rather than any human authority.”  (Psalm 118, Focus: “With Yahweh on my side, best help of all, I can triumph over my enemies.”  14-24 or Psalm 150, Focus:  “Let everything that breathes praise Yahweh ),

2.    Revelation 1:4-8, Focus: “Christ … ruler of the kings of the earth.”

3.    John 20: 19-31, Focus: Jesus said to Thomas, “peace be with you.” “These are written so that you will come to believe that Jesus is the Messiah, the Son of God, and that through believing you may have life in his name.”

     

Sample Homily – ideas from the readings are underlined

Good Morning I’m …… Thank you for allowing me to speak to you today about the May 1^st March.  This year we will gather at (time & place) and parade to … We will be advocating for drivers licenses for immigrants and low income people.

Today’s readings inspire our work for justice and peace.

The Evangelium or ‘good news’ of the Emperor gods of Rome was Peace through military might. But Jesus message was Peace through non violent action. In John’s Gospel, Jesus greets Thomas with what has become a usual Christian salutation even used in the liturgy, peace be with you. Jesus appeared not as a ghost or figment of the imagination but as the living Jesus who had suffered and been executed by the Roman Empire.

Peter and the Apostles did not accept the authority of Rome as the word of God even when insisted by religious authorities under Roman control.  The reading from Revelation states that Jesus is ‘the ruler of the kings of the earth.’   

I know from experience in the country where I was born violence causes only death and destruction.  In believing in Jesus Good News of non violent action we have life in his name, as written in the Gospel of John.

This is why I ask you to support justice as the road to peace.  On May 1^st we will again march for Justice.  This year we will advocate for driver licenses for immigrants and low wage people. Driver licenses are essential for getting to a job, caring for kids and the safety of the community.  

Be there as a followers of Jesus’ message in the struggle for Justice and peace.

The Working Catholic: Economic Ideologies by Bill Droel

The John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (www.kul.pl/21.html) just published The Catholic Social Ethic by St. John Paul II (1920-2005). This two-volume text of 500+ pages dates from the 1950s, when Fr. Karol Wojtyla was a young parish priest/teacher. Scholars have long known about the text. In fact, about 300 copies were circulated among students and others in the 1950s. Jonathan Luxmoore, an expert on Catholicism in Eastern Europe, reported on the text a dozen years ago. He recently summarized the new book for Catholic News Service (1/19/19) and for The Tablet of London (2/2/19).

Just as there are Biblical fundamentalists who selectively invoke one or another Scripture verse to support their preconceived opinion, so too there are some papal fundamentalists among Catholics. For example, a small but influential number of Catholics in the U.S. and elsewhere pull a phrase from John Paul II or from Pope Benedict XVI to claim that Catholicism is in harmony with unrestricted capitalism (also called neoliberalism). Similarly, a few Catholics pull out one another phrase to say that Catholicism gives unqualified approval to Marxism. This new book by John Paul II got caught up in this pick-and-choose controversy, causing the long delay in publication.

The Catholic Social Ethic, along with John Paul II’s other writing and talks, shows that he never was a big fan of free market capitalism. He repeatedly rejected “individualistic liberalism.” Nor of course did John Paul II ever mount a defense of communism. Yet through study and experience of the communist regime in Poland, he was well-versed in Marxist themes.

John Paul II, Luxmoore says, recognized that Marxism appealed to young workers because of injustices in their situations. To connect with young adults, Catholicism must have a sophisticated alternative to Marxism. It cannot merely condemn a mistaken ideology. Catholicism must furnish an approach to social justice and peace that fits the daily comings-and-goings of young adults. John Paul II, along with several other Polish theologians including Cardinal Stefan Wyszynski (1901-1981), set about crafting an accessible theology of work.

In contrast to materialistic capitalism, John Paul II popularized the principle of the priority of labor over capital. That is, the worker is the subject of work; not the investment of money. Yes, investments are part of production and service delivery. But the purpose of the enterprise is the worker. According to John Paul II, the word worker is inclusive--managers, owners on the scene, shop hands, janitors, truck drivers, clerks, all those who in some way fashion and distribute the service or the product.

In contrast to materialistic communism, John Paul II outlined a spirituality of work which integrates business, family life, civic involvement and more with fidelity to Jesus’ gospel.

Young adults are familiar with today’s materialisms and other empty ideologies: careerism, cost-benefit analysis, consumerism, conspiracy theories, extreme individualism in economics and culture, relativism (or what the White House calls alternative facts), and more.

Some Catholic leaders say they are interested in young adults. Maybe so. But does a young adult ever come upon ideas and experiences within Catholicism that suggest an alternative to the harshness of work, to the arbitrariness in society or to our vacuous culture? Would a young adult ever hear themes about work expressed in spiritual terms? John Paul II’s theology of work project is suggestive, but not enough. Other theologians and particularly interested young Catholics have to take the matter a few steps further: More sources, more reflections, more conversations and for sure more focused action for justice and peace within the workaday world.

At the moment, The Catholic Social Ethic is available in Polish. Perhaps a condensed English version can be published soon. Perhaps it could include a few pastoral comments and top out at let’s say 200 pages.

Droel is editor of John Paul II’s Gospel of Work (National Center for the Laity, PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629; $7)

SEEDS FOR A SPIRITUAL MONARCHY SOWN IN FIRST CENTURY

The formation of the Spiritual Monarchy of the Roman Catholic Church has a long history.  Its roots go back to the first century after the execution of Jesus of Nazareth, the itinerant preacher who refused to accept the Roman emperor as God. 

The Monarchy serves well as a guardian of its ‘infallible’ interpretation of faith.  However, a serious problem is evident with the exposure of the pedophile scandal.  The isolated and insolated male celebat monarchical structure of the Church is suited for the crimes of pedophilia as well as other crimes against society. Is it time to separate the wheat from the chaff? (Q Gospel-Mt.3:12)

A Divided Legacy
When and where did it begin? After Jesus’ execution two traditions emerged among his followers.  J.D. Crossan in his book, The Birth of Christianity, explains: 

The Life Tradition, with its emphasis on the sayings of Jesus on living within the kingdom of God, is centered in Galilee and goes out from Galilee.  The Death Tradition with its emphasis on the resurrection of Jesus and on lives lived in expectation of his return, is centered in Jerusalem and goes out from Jerusalem.  (1. Crossan, p. xxxiv)

The Life Tradition
The Life Tradition is the older tradition and is based on sayings of Jesus found in the Gospels of Mathew and Luke.  Both Mathew and Luke depend on the Gospel of Mark as a source but differ in that they incorporate sayings of Jesus not found in Mark.  As a body of material these sayings are called the ‘Q Gospel.’  The sayings represent the wisdom and life of Jesus.  An example would be Jesus’ preaching on the Beatitudes - Lk. 6:20-49, Mt. 5:3-12. (H. C. Kee, p. 466).  

Attached to the Life tradition are the sections of the Gnostic Gospels which are outside of the official cannon of Gospels recognized by main line Christian Churches – Matthew, Mark, Luke and John.  One of these, the Gospel of Thomas, is cited by J.D. Crossan.  He notes that 37% of the Q Gospel has parallels in the Gospel of Thomas. (1, J.D.C. p.248)  The Life Tradition was not interested in a monarchy and emphasized equality.

Elaine Pagels notes that:  “Orthodox Christians believe that Jesus is Lord and Son of God in a unique way: he remains forever distinct from the rest of humanity.”(Pagels, p. xx)  

‘Jesus is Lord’ is the basic preaching or kerygma of main line Christians. Pagels points to the differing opinion of the Thomas Gospel:  “Jesus said ‘I am not your master. …He who will drink from my mouth will become as I am: I myself shall become he.’“  (Pagels p. xx)

The Gnostic Gospel of Faith Wisdom reports Jesus as saying:  “…whoever the Spirit inspires is divinely ordained to speak, whether man or woman.” (Pagels p. 65) 

   The Life tradition generated a realized and actualized ethical eschatology.  The Sermon on the Mount from Matthew and the Sermon on the Plain from Luke are the ‘Guide to Living’ in the kingdom of God.  Ethical activists differ from the advocates of an apocalyptic approach who wait for the second coming of Jesus.  


The Death Tradition
   The death tradition was based in Jerusalem and focuses on the passion death and resurrection of Jesus.  The tradition is best exemplified in the Gospel of Mark which is bereft of the sayings of the Q Gospel. Mark emphasizes Jesus’ authority even of the cosmos.  ‘Jesus is Lord’ is the basis for kerygmatic preaching. The Monarchical Church is based on this theology with the pope as Christ’s Vicar on earth.  The Death Tradition awaits the second coming of the Lord to triumphantly establish the Kingdom of God.

   The need for absolute authority was considered of supreme importance with the threat of the Gnostics with Gospels such as the Gospel of Thomas.  Bishop – Saint Irenaeus (130 - 202) of Lyons along with the Church of Rome and others declared the Gnostics to be heretics. The Death tradition then became dominant in Christian practice and theology.  Emperor Constantine in the fourth century enforced a unity in theology or world view with military support. 


A Mixed Orthodoxy of Two Traditions
   John Dominic Crossan, after a review of some of the literature on the “divided tradition”, explains:   

“In my own understanding, I rephrase those twin traditions of the sayings and of the passion –resurrection as twin traditions of Jesus’ life and Jesus’ death.  They are for me two sides of the same coin.” (1 J.D.C. p. xxxiv) 

 Look at Paul as an example.  He surely did not succumb to the authority of Peter, John, or James the Just, Jesus brother in Jerusalem.  Paul writes to the Galatians with a message that is similar to the Gospel of Thomas that claims equality:   

 “As a result these people who are acknowledged as leaders – not that their importance matters to me, since God has no favorites – these leaders as I say, had nothing to add to the Good News as I preach it.” (Gal. 2:6-7)

Paul won the debate and the uncircumcised were allowed membership in the Christian movement - a practical decision by the Jerusalem leaders – John, Peter, and James the Just. (J. Murphy O’Connor, p.141)   

   Were Paul’s ethics determined by his apocalyptic belief in the imminent second coming of Jesus?  Slavery was to be tolerated, (Letter to Philemon), and the government to be obeyed (Romans.)  Paul’s basic preaching - kerygma was ‘Jesus Christ as Lord,’ but did not cite John, Peter, or James the Just as Christ’s Vicar on earth. (Phil. 2:11)


Freedom from the Monarchy
   John Dominic Crossan writes:  “Here is the heart of the original Jesus movement, a shared egalitarianism of spiritual (healing) and material (eating) resources.” (2 J.D.C., p. 107)

  The pedophile scandal has shocked Roman Catholics into recognizing that the religion of the Monarchy is false.  The message of the itinerant preacher, without a place to lay his head, is being heard outside of the Cathedrals and Basilicas once filled with faithful worshipers.  Now only tourists grace these beautiful buildings.


References:

1.J.D. Crossan, The Birth of Christianity, Harper, San Francisco, 1998.

2.J.D. Crossan, Jesus a Revolutionary, Harper San Francisco, 1995

Jerome Murphy O’ Connor, O.P. Paul a Critical Life, Oxford University Press, 1966

H. C. Kee, F.W. Young. K. Froehlich, Understanding the New Testament, Prentice Hall, Englewood Cliffs, N.J. 1965.

Elaine Pagels, Gnostic Christianity, Random House,

The Working Catholic: 'King Day' by Bill Droel

          This month’s celebration of Rev. Martin L. King (1929-1968) is of course about more than King. The civil rights era is about more than the Montgomery boycott that began in December 1955. It certainly includes Rosa Parks (1913-2005), who courageously refused to give up her seat on a bus. And, Parks’ disobedience was not a momentary reaction, but was the outcome of much preparation.

In recent times several scholars have drawn attention to “the longer civil rights movement.” Karen Johnson of Wheaton College is one of those scholars. Her book, One in Christ: Chicago Catholics and the Quest for Interracial Justice (Oxford University Press, 2018), details significant civil rights activity as early as 1930—not in the South but in Chicago. Her examples, perhaps surprisingly, are Catholic organizations.

Johnson’s thorough account in eight more-or-less chronological chapters plus 49 pages of valuable footnotes is “primarily a story about laypeople” who in addition to highlighting aspects of Catholic doctrine also challenged the notion that priests are above laypeople, that urban Catholicism is synonymous with intra-parish ministries and that Catholics acting as Catholics should keep their efforts separate from Protestants and Jews.

Arthur Falls (1901-2000), a pioneering black physician involved with Federated Colored Catholics and then with Catholic Worker movement, is prominent in the first four chapters and appears throughout the book. The fifth and sixth chapters feature Friendship House with Catherine de Hueck Doherty (1896-1985), Ellen Tarry (1906-2008) and Ann Harrigan Makletzoff (1910-1984); the seventh and eighth feature the Catholic Interracial Council with John McDermott (1926-1996) among others. Msgr. Dan Cantwell (1915-1996) and Ed Marciniak (1917-2004) appear in nearly all the chapters.

These Chicago Catholics were successful to a degree. They “helped enlarge America’s moral imagination,” Johnson explains. They showed that racial justice is more than a political matter. Due to these Chicago activists and also to many religious leaders in the South and around the nation, civil rights became a significant aspect of faith, both for blacks and for whites. Further, the Chicago Catholics—years before Vatican II (1962-1965)—taught others that individual salvation and personal transformation are not enough. They communicated, in words and more so by way of example, that full-time Christians must seek “the common good by reforming the institutions shaping the public sphere.”

A contagious esprit surrounded these dedicated Catholics. They nourished one another in several institutional spaces, Johnson emphasizes. They all knew that liturgical grace was essential to their efforts. They believed that the liturgy of the word continued out the church door as each of them did their part in the Mystical Body of Christ to live a liturgy of the world.

Johnson includes enough detail to dispel any suggestion of hyper-romanticism about these civil rights pioneers. These people were street savvy. They knew how to agitate and at the right moment what to compromise. They avoided getting personally bent out of shape as they necessarily engaged in sharp disagreements with one another over strategy: How to include Chicago’s bishop—if at all. Whether or not to include anti-poverty measures in efforts against racism. Whether or not to maneuver inside the Democratic Party, which in Chicago was the Daley Machine. Are discussion groups a waste of time? Can Catholics be militant?

Remarkably, most of these Catholic civil rights leaders remained Catholic their entire lives. It is remarkable because, as Johnson details in parts of two chapters, more than one bishop, some influential pastors and the Catholic system itself reinforced racial distinctions. For example, Falls once told me that the segregation that hurt him the most was on Saturday afternoons when he went to confession. Blacks had to stand in one line and wait until each person in the white line had received absolution.

Johnson writes a comprehensible story. This is an achievement because all her subjects died before she began. She thus scoured multiple libraries for newspapers, magazine articles, minutes of meetings and more. Johnson, by the way, is not Catholic. Yet the book flawlessly covers Chancery politics and points of theology. 

A powerful 2% of young Catholics are once again interested in the social question--in race relations, in living wage campaigns, in the dignity of all life, in socially responsible business, in green technology, in mental health delivery, in criminal justice reform and immigration topics. One In Christ is an inspiring account of visionary Catholics who navigated the push-and-pull of public life, and had some fun along the way. As we rightly celebrate King Day, we can continue to learn from all the efforts in our country toward "liberty and justice for all.”   

Droel of Chicago is a board member of National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629).

The Working Catholic: In Praise of Cash Bill Droel

It says “legal tender for all debts private and public.” But cash is out. Indeed, some businesses now refuse cash, including a hair salon in Los Angeles, a few pretentious chain restaurants and several small shops. Visa has declared “a war on cash,” reports New York Times (12/6/18). Other credit companies are implicit allies in that war. Only 30% of transactions by one survey currently involve cash, says Wall St. Journal (12/30/18). Most cash transactions are in small amounts; 55% of them are for less than $10. The popular alternative to cash is called a credit card. However, cards are also out. Nowadays a purchaser obtains ready credit through an app on a mobile device. It is not swiped; it is tapped.

We crusty old-timers prefer cash. This is not only because a cashless economy further impoverishes those without access to credit. There are other troubling consequences of going cashless, ones that threaten middle-class families.

Number One. Cash is or was a nearly universal societal benefit. The trend these days is to allow private companies to own public life. The outcome of this trend is generally no good. Prime evidence here in Chicago is the expensive parking facilities in the Loop and elsewhere. Citizens do not benefit from the revenue; a private entity does. Likewise, the ubiquitous cameras that catch any and all minor traffic miscues would be annoying enough if the tickets’ revenue went to our city. But a private company has the contract. Prohibiting cash in favor of private currency is another destruction of the public realm.

Number Two. A cashless private economy is premised on automation. Working-class jobs at what were once called cash registers are disappearing. It is entirely possible to stock one’s grocery cart and put the produce, meat and bread in one’s car without dealing with a grocery clerk. The same impersonal approach is taking over in restaurants. Banks don’t have tellers.

Number Three. Another result of cyber-automation is increased violation of privacy. The private company that extends credit and the retailer join forces to develop one’s consumer profile. This is used by the retailer to pitch more products or it is sold to other private companies. Also, cyber-banking and cyber-transactions expose one’s cyber-wallet to thieves. The best robbers these days eschew cash; they prefer hacking.

Number Four. It is true that credit, wisely obtained and carefully managed, can be a form of wealth. A home mortgage obtained from a neighborhood bank or credit union is an investment. Credit perhaps leads to wealth in sophisticated margin trading in 90-day stock options. Right? Most credit obtained by working families, however, is basically usury. There is no credit app (formerly called a credit card) that comes without a line of credit and interest fees. The singular factor that hampers the financial standing of working class families is credit app/card debt.

 Is it possible to manage a household without credit? It is possible, but it requires resistance to the new capitalism—a capital economy in which products are not that important but in which investment rules. How to manage without credit? Get a checking account from a neighborhood bank or credit union. Don’t deal with Wells Fargo or other national entities. Do not accept any line of credit on the account. Don’t cyber-shop too much. Use the currency that comes with a picture of President Andrew Jackson (1767-1845), President Ulysses Grant (1822-1885) or other notables. If you already have a credit card/app and you made only a partial payment last month, see a reputable, neighborhood-based finance advisor immediately.

Droel edits a free printed newsletter on faith and work,

INITIATIVES (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629)

The Working Catholic: Strikes by Bill Droel

         Not so long ago strikes were deemed counterproductive, says Commonweal magazine (3/26/18). That was until this past February when 20,000 teachers in West Virginia walked off the job. This job action, Commonweal notes, initially occurred “without collective bargaining powers or the legal right to go on strike.” Yet it was “well-executed [and] wide-scale… Its size and scope proved critical.” With visible public sympathy and sufficient solidarity, the West Virginia teachers were successful. Credit goes to “a decentralized rank-and-file made up mostly of women,” Commonweal concludes.

The West Virginia example does not mean that the strike tactic is back. Nor that it is a sure-fire remedy to income inequality. Strikes are still rare in our country--maybe a dozen notable ones per year. Further, strikes are often broken with no immediate improvement for our country’s workers.

The full positive results of a strike and of the union movement itself might only materialize some years after the event. That’s a conclusion to draw from A History of America in Ten Strikes by Erik Loomis (The New Press, 2018).

The book’s first chapter centers on the “mill girls” of the early 19^th century. A New England economy based entirely on farms and craft shops gave way in 1793 when Samuel Slater (1768-1835) opened a textile mill in Pawtucket, RI. Francis Cabot Lowell (1775-1817) thereafter opened another mill along the Charles River in Boston. His company expanded after his death, including a mill along the Merrimack River in a town renamed for Lowell. That town was nicknamed Spindle City because by the mid-1800s its 40 textile mills and 10,000 looms, operating six days a week, produced about 100million yards of cloth per year. 

            Instead of using child labor these mills recruited young women from area farms and elsewhere. The young workers, who were capable of operating somewhat complicated machines, lived in boarding houses and were encouraged to read and to attend cultural events. For some young women at the time, it was considered a great adventure to assert independence from their families. However, workdays were routinely 13 hours. The definition of young woman was really teenager. The workers paid for their company housing and their employer increased rent when the company wanted more discipline.

In 1834 and again in 1836 the town’s mills cut wages. In both cases a strike spread to several mills, but was crushed within a week. In 1845 the young women added a strategy: Documenting health and safety concerns and then testifying in favor of a state-mandated 10-hour workday. Only nearby New Hampshire legislated 10 hours, but its mills ignored the law with impunity.

Think about the struggle of these young workers come February 2019 when your donut shop hands you some change. You might see a quarter honoring Lowell National Historical Park (www.nps.gov/lowe). On the quarter is a woman toiling at a cotton loom and a clock tower in the background. Modernity requires increased public awareness of hours and minutes. Thus one town after another installed mechanical clock towers. The Boott Mill clock tower of 1835, as depicted on the new coin, symbolizes New England’s transition from a village economy to an industrial economy—for better and for worse.

Loomis anchors another chapter of Ten Strikes with autoworkers in Flint during December 1936-January 1937. As with the West Virginia teachers, these autoworkers were two steps ahead of their union leaders. Most strikes, of course, occur outdoors. They include picket lines, protest signs, maybe lawn chairs and maybe a huge inflatable rat. But the strike in Flint was different. The workers sat to conquer. That is, they stayed inside; commandeering in a sense all of General Motors’ expensive equipment. Again as in West Virginia, the women from town played the crucial role. With coordination they brought food and newspapers into the plant; they rallied citizen support, not only in Flint but in other locales.

The AFL at this time, Loomis explains, was focused on craft workers across lines of employers. The door was thus open for the United Mine Workers, the United Auto Workers and the CIO to organize all the workers of a single employer and then all the workers in a specified industry. The champion of this type of organizing was John L. Lewis (1880-1969), and he was a major factor in the Flint job action.

Loomis drives home one of his main themes in this chapter. There are three major players in the national economy: big business, organized families/workers and government. Workers cannot make headway, Loomis argues, without some support from government. In the Flint example, the workers’ ally was Governor Frank Murphy (1890-1949), who was later appointed to the Supreme Court. At a tense moment, Murphy sent the National Guard to the General Motors plant. But not—as was expected—to evict the workers. Murphy had the National Guard protect the workers. General Motors was soon ushered to the bargaining table where they gave recognition to Lewis and the United Auto Workers.

Ten Strikes is a good introduction to U.S. labor history. Loomis, however, trips on his rhetoric once or twice. Workers today must take back “our dignity from our employer,” he wrongly writes.

No employer can give a worker dignity. A job promotion does not confer dignity. An employee of the month award is not about dignity. Paternalism is incapable of adding to dignity. Likewise, no employer can take away an employee’s dignity. Harassment, for example, is a sin, but it does not diminish the essence of a person. No one loses an ounce of dignity if his or her hours are cut. Dignity is innate; it is God-given. This is important to believe. This is a truth about power. Each person—middle manager, owner, janitor, skilled engineer, clerk, receptionist and more—possesses as a gift from birth the power of one’s own dignity. It can’t be given away; it can’t be taken away. Don’t ever think that it can.

Droel edits INITIATIVES (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629), a print newsletter on faith and work.