It is apparent that Governor Cox of Utah believes, "We hold these truths that all men are created equal and have the inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness." (See Gary Wills, Lincoln at Gettysburg, 1992)
To move forward, can we agree?
So, after considering two thousand years of history, and after surveying debates about the amorous needs of the sovereign self, we arrive at two quite different conceptions of love. On the one hand, there is love between sovereign selves, the popular conception of love that is mediated by desirous gaze. Lovers, seeing each other from afar, discern beautiful qualities, and then they come together in order to experience existential completion as the beauty of their beloveds compensates for the lacks and deficiencies that they see in themselves.
On the other hand, I propose that love is a corporeal entanglement through which “metastable” lovers become persons —personhood, in this account, being a continuously developing, never resolved state. Lovers are never wholly relieved of the tensions that prevail from their first moments of life.lxxvii Their negotiated intertwinements persist throughout life. And so, it has to be for persons who are processes rather than substances, and who are verbs rather than nouns—as Ulysses S. Grant confessed on his deathbed, when he said, “I think I am a verb.”
At every stage in their development as persons, lovers deserve care and respect. Even after their life-courses are apparently completed, they deserve care because loving entanglements never end. They are endlessly ramifying, never completely discernible intertwinements that are not terminated, even in death.lxxviii Lovers, I argue, develop into persons by engaging each other. They nudge, tug, and wrestle. With various tactics of demand, appeasement, conflict, and reconciliation, lovers accommodate their needs with the needs of their beloveds.
Breastfeeding models such engagement.
Entangled lovers, I contend, are gifts to each other. True, they tug and wrestle, but their wrestling is itself a component of their giftedness. Sometimes their gifts to each other are tied up in ribbons of exasperation, but they are gifts, nonetheless. And the exasperation itself is instrumental in advancing the development of both the giver and gifted.
The thing about gifts, though, is that the giving and the gifter can sometimes be hidden from view. A gift can be grabbed, embraced, and coveted as if it were a thing unto itself. Such a coveted gift can seem like self-standing object. But its self-standing-ness is just an appearance; it is an illusion that hides the relational saturation of the gift that anthropologists since Marcel Mauss have long recognized.lxxix The giver and the giving are brought together in the gift, suggesting that the gift, like the loving person, is a process rather than an object, and a verb rather than a noun.
Up to this point I have portrayed human love as a saturated experience, one that is infused with entanglements and intertwinements that bring lovers/persons into their unsteady existence. However, there is no good reason for maintaining an exclusively human characterization of love.
I think, for example, of fungi and trees. Their entanglement is no less loving than the entanglement of woman and infant at the breast. Both involve negotiated endeavors focused on the task of supplying nutrients to the self and the other.
If we find ourselves wincing at the thought of “trees in love,”.lxxx it may be because our Western history has steered us away from what lineage-centered people have known without knowing, namely, that life is all about intertwinement, entanglement, and connection; and that true love is to be found nowhere else but in negotiated connections.
Breastfeeding models love, so too do “trees in love.” So, we have come full circle to the conclusion that lovers love each other as parents love their children, as babies love nursing women, and as trees love fungi. Entanglement is love, and love is entanglement. True love is the experience of attunement to the subtle resonances that prevail in and around metastatic processes. This attunement may include romantic feelings and passionate yearnings, but its primary feature is intertwinement.
We are not banishing eros but rather upgrading it. When people kiss on the mouth, like the lovers in Song of Songs, they do indeed become bewitched, bedazzled, starry-eyed, with “fever in the morning, and fever all through the night.” But much more importantly, “they become what they love.”lxxxi
“They become “embedded in, partially defined by, and sharing a common fate with larger natural and social contexts.”lxxxii Lovers become one, but they retain their distinctiveness. They become one in the sense that a violin and its bow form one instrument. They are functionally complementary, each requiring the other for its completion. They vibrate with one another. lxxxiii
Lovers “encounter and experience the world other than through a solitary consciousness.”lxxxiv They experience “connection with difference rather than union into sameness.”lxxxv This experience of loving connection is arguably analogous to God’s own experience, that is, the perichoresis of the Trinity which models for us the sublunary dances of our entanglements.lxxxvi The three persons of the Trinity are entangled and intertwined; they resonate with each other.
Perhaps now we can appreciate the Biblical observation that “God is love.” It is a metaphor for the persistently resonant cosmos. “God” is our name for ubiquitous and unending relationality. And, by the same token, we can now interpret Matthew (22:37): “You shall love the Lord your God with all your heart, with all your soul, and with all your mind.” This new commandment means that we should become engaged in prickly negotiations—like infants at the breast—with everyone and everything that bears down on us.
Just as Jacob engaged that divine being in Genesis, so we are enjoined to wrestle with others throughout our lives. We develop in response to the half-nelsons we put on others and the arm-locks they put on us. Such is the nature of entangled love.
William Washabaugh, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology
The University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee
<https://sites.uwm.edu/wash>.
Praying with Queen EstherBy Gianluigi Gugliermetto
8/21/2025 |
Meditating upon prayer and the four paths, I realize that in our historical moment it is especially the via negativa that must be made present to everybody’s consciousness. It is terribly offensive to see people dancing and having fun in TV commercials while an entire people is scheduled to be deported — or exterminated if they don’t accept deportation. |
It is tragically ironic that in the biblical book of Esther we read the same identical story: the powerful decided a date by which all Jews must be gone from the Persian empire, or else they would be slaughtered (Esther 3:7). Queen Esther then immediately started fasting and foregoing all pleasures. |
“What Is the Esther Fast? The Power of Absolute Fasting Explained” @DailyGraceReflections-u9n
|
This must be seen as an expression of awareness, a refusal to pretend that nothing is happening — even though she would not be affected personally by the impending events (Esther 4:16-17).
Substitute the word “Jews” in the previous paragraph with the word “Palestinians” and you get both what we are living through right now and what prayer in the via negativa means at the present time.
The story continues with Esther taking the situation in her own hands and risking her life by interfering with the king’s decision of expulsion/ extermination. By a mix of skillful diplomacy and sheer luck, she is pivotal in reversing the situation and saving all the Jews (Esther 5-8).
This is a clear expression of via creativa — her daring skillfullness — which results in a via transformativa action, i.e. a positive result of social change. |
As thousands of Israelis protest the ongoing genocide in a general strike, Netanyahu pursues plans to forcibly displace Palestinians from Gaza. Channel 4 News. | But Queen Esther can obtain what she does largely because she is an insider/outsider. She is part of the ruling class, and yet she also belongs to the oppressed people. She is in the position to forget the last part, yet she places herself in deep solidarity with those |
who suffer. I wonder if there is anybody today who can play such a part on the global stage. Is it, perhaps, the huge crowd of Israelis who have taken the streets in the last few days?
Empathy cannot just be words or mere feelings. The via negativa prayer practices are very important because they help us to get out of our stiffened mental schemes and experience what others are experiencing in naked, unfiltered reality. Fasting, imaginative meditations, deep listening to first-hand witnesses, wailing in community… at least some of these things seem to me unavoidable at this time as they help us involve all of our being.
But sorrow can swallow us up and thus become another trap at the service of the empire. Even more is required of us. Our via negativa practices must be followed by some via creativa efforts — just as Esther employed all her skills and powers, showing the heart of a lioness. Show up to a protest! Or do whatever you can do. |
Our via negativa practices must also be preceded by some via positiva exercises. At the beginning of this meditation I expressed my disgust at watching commercials with people at ease which feel like scorn (see Psalm 123:4). But now I also say that unless our |
Storing up for dry times ahead: camel trains pause to rest by the Nile in Egypt. Photo by Rab Lawrence on Flickr. |
bodies are well-fed they cannot afford a fast; unless our minds are pleased by beauty, they cannot afford to hear stories of utter misery; unless our spirits are lifted up high, they cannot afford to descend to hell.
The lion’s courage which Matthew has been invoking in his DMs must both precede and follow our prayer exercises in the via negativa.
Personally — as the decree of utter misery on Palestinians has been signed by those evil people in Tel Aviv — I need the courage of a lion to wake up, do my physical exercises, remember to eat good food, and enjoy my walks.
As Matthew reminded us recently (see DM August 12) all prophets, all spiritual warriors, need to take care of themselves. This is the via positiva root of our spirituality that we should never forget, and yet is only the beginning of the whole path. |
Unconditional cash assistance to the poor may not do any good. That is a conclusion from a rigorous study, Baby’s First Years (www.babysfirstyears.com). An experiment, supervised by eight researchers, gave $333 per month for 48months to 1,000 needy families from the Twin Cities, Omaha, New Orleans and New York City. A control group received $20 per month. Results were additionally compared with the population at large. (No government money was involved.)
The experiment yielded no evident improvement in children’s language skills or their cognitive development. Neither the child’s health nor social and emotional behavior was any better than in families lacking the subsidy. The parents receiving the $333 experienced no reduction in stress. Most of these parents were single mothers. Most were Black, Mexican-American or recent immigrants.
The researchers were disappointed in the lack of improvement because they had read positive accounts about the federal cash subsidies given during the worst of Covid-19.Contrary to some interpretations, it is important to point out what the study doesnot show:
There is no evidence whatsoever in this study nor in many others that Medicaid, SNAP and other federal programs are worthless.
There is no evidence in this study that the participants were lazy or that they spent the cash foolishly.
There is no evidence in this study that a work requirement would improve family life.Critics do raise reasonable questions about the study:
Might inflation and higher rents make its 2025 outcome less encouraging than the reported results of the earlier Covid-19 subsidies?
Might the sample size have been too small, or the duration of the benefits too short, or might measurement of the children look better as those children grow older?
Columnist David Brooks (N.Y. Times, 8/3/25) refers to the First Years study to conclude that “if a child’s social order is broken, federal money will not help.” To properly flourish, he continues, “all humans need to grow up in a secure container, within which they can craft their lives. The social order consists of a stable family, a safe and coherent neighborhood, a vibrant congregational and civic life, a reliable body of laws, a set of shared values that neighbors can use to build healthy communities and a conviction that there exists moral truth.” Instead, looking at our society we “see families splinter or never form, neighborhood life decay, churches go empty, friends die of addictions, downtowns become vacant, a national elite grow socially and morally detached.”
How to combat poverty? We must refute our culture’s presumption that all problems are caused by an individual’s defect. It is equally erroneous to assume that most individuals have the capacity to improve if they simply so choose. “To understand the cause of poverty we must look beyond the poor,” writes Matthew Desmond in Poverty, By America (Penguin Random, 2023).
The most significant factor for a child to have a “secure container” is a two-parent household. It can be any configuration—two married parents, either different gender or the same gender, likewise two stable unmarried parents or foster parents or grandparents. But a simplistic conclusion about single parenthood is wrong. If, for example, everyone was to get married, poverty would not disappear. Single parenthood is not in itself “a major cause of poverty in America,” as Desmond puts it. Marriage alone does not create the orderliness that children need. Marriage is a big positive for families in the context of other securities. When the poor have real economic opportunity and other buffers, “marriage typically follows,” Desmond concludes.
The other significant factor for a child’s security and growth is parental involvement in their education, no matter in this case if that parent is single or in a stable relationship. Thus, society’s job is to allow parents the wherewithal to supervise homework and to meaningfully interact with teachers. Society withers when economic inequality with its large sector of precarious employment makes a healthy home life too difficult. Our economy and culture must thus be reformed in ways that permit parents to network with one another through school sports or student clubs, through relational congregations, through effective community organizations, through bona fide unions and the like.
Droel is editor at National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL
60629).
By Bill Lange
The Shema is the basic Hebrew prayer cited by Jesus of Nazareth in the synoptic Gospels. It is a self-evident prayer for all.
"שְׁמַע יִשְׂרָאֵל יְיָ אֱלֹהֵֽינוּ יְיָ אֶחָד"
(Sh'ma Yisra'eil Adonai Eloheinu Adonai echad)
Hear, Israel, the Lord is our God, the Lord is One. -Deuteronomy 6:4
Love your neighbor as yourself: I am the Lord. -Leviticus 19:18
Would we have the tragedies in Gaza if the Shema were remembered, understood, and felt?
Milwaukee is currently celebrating a unique and complex position, holding the top spot in two
very different and significant areas. On the one hand, the city is basking in the glory of its
beloved baseball team, the Milwaukee Brewers, who have achieved an outstanding record and
stand in first place in their division, a testament to their hard work and skill. On the other hand,
Milwaukee is also experiencing a less desirable "first place" ranking: having some of the worst
air quality in the world.
The Milwaukee Brewers have been a source of pride for the city, with a phenomenal season that
places them at the top of their division. Their success has brought a sense of community and
excitement to the area, with fans eagerly following every game. Their record is not just a
divisional best, but an achievement that puts them among the elite teams in all of baseball. This
is a moment to celebrate the dedication of the players, coaches, and the unwavering support of
their fans.
However, a stark contrast to this positive news has enveloped the city in a literal sense. A heavy
blanket of smoke from Canadian wildfires has descended upon Milwaukee, pushing the Air
Quality Index (AQI) into the "Very Unhealthy" range. As the smoke has settled, Milwaukee has
found itself with air quality levels that have been, at times, among the worst in the entire world.
This is a far less welcome distinction, and one that poses a serious health risk to all residents,
especially those with pre-existing conditions.
This air quality crisis is not a local phenomenon; it's a direct consequence of a larger, global
issue. The Canadian wildfires that are producing this smoke are themselves a symptom of
climate change. Scientists and meteorologists attribute the increased frequency and intensity of
these fires to a combination of factors, including warmer temperatures, extended droughts, and
less significant winter snows. These conditions create the perfect environment for fires to ignite
and spread. Even "zombie fires"—wildfires that smolder underground all winter long—are being
cited as a factor, as they can reignite on the surface with the onset of dry spring and summer
conditions.
While the smoke may eventually clear and be carried away by the wind to affect other regions,
the underlying cause remains. The excessive use of fossil fuels and the resulting climate change
are creating a world where such extreme weather events become more common. This dual
reality—celebrating a championship-caliber baseball team while simultaneously facing a public
health crisis caused by climate change—presents Milwaukee with a critical opportunity. It's a
chance to acknowledge the interconnectedness of our actions and their consequences.
The first step in addressing this issue is understanding it. The smoke in our air is not just a
temporary inconvenience; it is a clear and present signal that we must take action on climate
change. As we cheer for our team's success, we must also recognize the urgency of a different
kind of challenge, one that requires a collective effort to secure a healthier, more breathable
future for our city and beyond.
Catholic churches will not take advantage of a new provision in the U.S. tax code.
Since 1894 all charitable groups that obtained a 501 (c) 3 tax letter have been excused from paying federal taxes, and usually local taxes. In 1954 there was an addition to that IRS policy. Named the Johnson Amendment after its sponsor, Senator Lyndon Johnson (1908-1973), the change specified that tax-exempt groups could not endorse partisan candidates. Critics in recent years, including President Donald Trump, have called for the elimination of the Johnson Amendment. Early this July the IRS said that churches (though not other non-profit groups) can indeed endorse candidates.
The new provision is symbolic. Reading between the lines, it is meant to make legal what evangelicals do anyway. Evangelical pastors and congregational leaders routinely give pulpit time to candidates during local and national campaigns. Many evangelical media outlets comment on the desirability of candidates and elected officials.
Catholic churches will continue to adhere to the Johnson Amendment for reasons practical, pastoral, and theological.
The practice of Catholic churches staying out of elections is not because “politics has no place in church.” Just the opposite. Can you think of anything more political than the ancient Roman administration executingthe Creator and Redeemer of the entire universe?
Catholic churches, newspapers, and internet media, guided by the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution, enter politics without favoring particular candidates. Catholicism and the Constitution agree: a separation of religious institutions and government institutions is beneficial to both. The engagement between Catholicism and politics in our country occurs in the voluntary give-and-take between Catholic groups and society, and more significantly between individual Catholic citizens and our democratic processes. In practice this means that Catholic churches and Catholic officials teach morality as it pertains to issues like the environment, the sanctity of each life, or the tragedy of war. They must do so. They are not, however, by their ecclesial standing competent to instruct the laity on candidate preferences or on the intricacies of specific pieces of legislation. When priests, bishops, deacons and religious—in their official roles—wade too deeply into partisan politics, they violate Catholic ecclesiology.
Bishops and most Catholic priests in our country are U.S. citizens. They lose no rights or duties or privileges of citizenship because of their job. For example, a priest at the ballpark among his friends can grouse all he wants about any politician, or he can praise a specific bill in the legislature. Clergy and religious should freely vote in elections. The mistake occurs when, in the church or at a parish function, a priest asserts his partisan opinion as if it were the Catholic teaching.
When priests, bishops, deacons and religious—in their official roles—wade too deeply into partisan politics, they upend the order of Catholic sacraments. The sacrament of baptism gives a person the responsibility to practice the beatitudes, to exercise the works of mercy and to live a vocation as homemaker, neighbor, spouse, citizen or worker. A baptized person needs no further permission from the rectory or chancery to improve society. Just as the sacrament of ordination adds nothing to a person’s competency to teach mathematics, so too a priest or religious can lobbya legislator based on his or her own citizenship. One’s education and experience might yield competency in worldly affairs, but ordination in itself does not.
When priests, bishops, deacons and religious—in their official roles—wade too deeply into partisan politics, they squander their moral standing. Yes, Catholicism has absolutes. At the same time, the wise Catholic—both Church officials and laity—knows that no one appreciates righteousness. Principled, yes. Arrogant, never.
The spirit of the Johnson Amendment well suits Catholicism. Our democratic process, though strained nowadays, still contains avenues for influencing the common good. There is no need for clergy to take shortcuts that likely do more harm than good.
Droel is with the National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629).
It was called Americanism. Pope Leo XIII (1810-1903) condemned it.
In 1899 Leo XIII sent a three-page letter to the U.S. bishops in care of Cardinal
James Gibbons (1834-1921) of Baltimore. It is titled Witness to Our Good or sometimes
On New Opinions of Virtue, Nature and Grace. Leo XIII’s admonishment was aimed at
progressive U.S. Catholics. Its general theme speaks to today’s U.S.
Catholics—conservatives and liberals.
The second paragraph of Witness to Our Good mentions Fr. Isaac Hecker, CSP
(1819-1888), the principal founder of the Paulists. Hecker himself was not Leo XIII’s
villain. In fact, Hecker died more than ten years before the papal letter. Rather, as Leo
XIII says, a translated biography of Hecker, written in 1891 by Fr. Walter Elliott, CSP
(1842-1928), “has caused no little controversy” in Europe. Leo XIII goes on to name the
erroneous traits of Americanism as conveyed in the biography, more specifically in its
French introduction by Fr. Felix Klein (1862-1953), a professor of philosophy and
literature in Paris.
Hecker desired a Catholicism appealing to North Americans, rather than one
dependent upon European languages, customs, theological formulae and rituals.
Hecker was optimistic that our country’s pluralism, religious freedom, voluntary
associations, layered authority and individual striving are harmonious with Catholicism.
Hecker’s disposition toward the U.S. emerged amid a strong anti-Catholic
movement among nativists. Contrary to their attitude, Hecker believed that Catholicism
makes a positive contribution to our country. Further, the church learns from give-and-
take in our modern world. Thus to live the gospel within the specific conditions of North
America requires Christians to engage, humanize and civilize their surroundings, said
Hecker.
Of course, Hecker’s view can go too far. When Christianity is fused with any one
culture or political regime, religion is debased. Public figures, as we know, can coopt
religion for their own ambitions.
What is it like in the U.S. today? Our libertarian culture makes individual choice
the highest value. Freedom is equated with options, devoid of pre-set, firm obligations.
Decisions in our culture are always circumstantial, not directed by any absolutes. A term
like alternative facts is accepted as rational. Thus some—conservatives and
liberals—are cafeteria Catholics. That is, their faith being captured by our individualistic
culture, they select some Catholic markers of identity while ignoring some basics. A
cafeteria Catholic might say, for example, that any individual woman has an
unencumbered, autonomous right to abortion. Or a cafeteria Catholic might say that
assisting refugees, immigrants or others in need is an individual’s choice, not obligatory
in any way.
Leo XIII’s main concern in Witness to Our Good is the danger of religion over-
embracing a particular culture, society or political order. Yes, patriotism is healthy. In the
U.S. our patriotism is devotion to and respect of our experiment in democracy,
regardless of anyone’s religion or birthplace. Be aware, however, that healthy patriotism
differs from nationalism: The attitude that our country is ipso facto superior, that it
stands alone, that it is destined to expand with never an apology. A Christian nationalist
uses religion to distort history, to excuse the serious shortcomings of their political
favorites, to claim the superiority of their type of Christian over other denominations and
to favor their race or ethnicity over others.
Perhaps Leo XIII’s Witness to Our Good would have better made the point
without dragging Hecker or an obscure introduction to a biography into it. Like his
predecessor, Chicago’s-own Pope Leo XIV must deal with the position of Catholicism
within U.S. culture, and other cultures as well. He knows that some U.S. Catholics,
including its leaders, have bought big time into our extreme style of individualistic
capitalism and the political policies supporting it. There are also a few Catholics who,
reacting to the defects in our culture, opt for sectarianism, a trip to an imagined golden
age. This retreat is no better.
A genuine Catholic life “in our age,” says Hecker, must take its place “in busy
marts, in counting rooms, in workshops, in homes and in the varied relations that form
human society, and it is into these that sanctity is to be introduced… [We are to] seek
occasions to practice virtue, to do something for God, and these occasions are, if I may
use the expression, right under our noses.”
Fr. Isaac Hecker, CSP (1819-1888)
Droel is associated with National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL
60629). It distributes a new edition of Leo XIII’s encyclical, On the Condition of Labor
($7).
Pope Leo
XIV, originally of Chicago, chose his papal name to recall Pope Leo XIII
(1810-1903), particularly his critique of the industrial revolution, titled On
the Condition of Labor. The current Pope Leo is likewise interested in
today’s social questions, including the looming effects of AI. “In our own
day,” says Leo XIV, “the church offers to everyone the treasury of her social
teaching in response to another industrial revolution and to developments in
the field of artificial intelligence that pose new challenges for the defense
of human dignity, justice and labor.”
The downside
of the industrial revolution was increasingly evident during the 19th
century. For example, there was in the early 1800s a movement among textile
workers in Great Britian, called Luddites, who rebelled against specific
machines that threatened their wages and the quality of their craft. Their
protest sometimes included destruction of machines. Soon enough, however,
factory owners and law enforcement put an end to the movement.
Social critics Karl Mark (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) advocated for a different economic system, famously in their 1848 Communist Manifesto. Meanwhile, Charles Dickens (1812-1870) portrayed the terrible negatives of the industrial revolution in his popular novels. Pope Leo XIII added Catholicism’s voice in his May 1891 encyclical, On the Condition of Labor.
Although Leo XIII is credited as the pioneer of modern Catholic social thought, he was not the first. For example, Bishop Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler (1811-1877) of Mainz was an outstanding social, political and spiritual leader of the 19th century. In highlighting concepts like the common good, like employees as stakeholders and like solidarity, he laid the groundwork for a mature Catholic reflection on modernity.
The same year as the Communist Manifesto (1848) von Ketteler gave his analysis in six Advent sermons on poverty and inequality. These were refined in an 1864 book, The Laborer Question and Christianity.
Von Ketteler, member of an aristocratic family, opposed materialistic communism but was deeply troubled by the harsh effects of industrial capitalism. Von Ketteler thought some state regulation plus action by labor and charitable groups could temper extreme capitalism. Thus, von Ketteler advocated for the end of child labor, for limiting hours in a factory, for Sunday as a true day of rest, for disability insurance and temporary unemployment insurance, for state health and safety inspectors and for more cooperative enterprises. The key to a better capitalism was to break the belief that an individual is “the absolute master of things that he [or she] owns,” he preached.
Catholicism says private property is a right. But drawing upon St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), von Ketteler explained that only God has “full and genuine property rights… When making use of his [or her] property a person has the duty to bow to the God-given order of things.” It “is a perpetual sin against nature [to hold] the false doctrine that property confers strict rights.” Catholicism “protects property,” von Ketteler said, “but wealth must be distributed…for the sake of the general welfare.”
Cardinal Henry Edward Manning (1808-1892), the second Catholic archbishop of Westminster, was long interested in family life, education, church-state relations, the working class and more. He was ordained as an Anglican in 1833 and later that year married Caroline Sargent (1812-1837). He was only 27-years old when she died. Manning became disillusioned with the Anglican Church in part because it was oblivious to the working poor. In 1850 Manning was received as a Roman Catholic.
Marx and Engels published their Manifesto in 1848. Von Kettler gave his Advent sermons in 1848. And in 1848 Manning added his objections to the industrial economy. He said that Christians need to be with the “poor of Christ, the multitude which have been this long time with us and now faint by the way…in mines and factories.” Manning, like von Ketteler, anticipated Leo XIII.
Manning was sympathetic to the situation among dockworkers. He mediated during the famous 1889 strike at the Port of London, stating that the employers’ refusal to negotiate was not a private matter but a “public evil.” Union members considered the outcome of their job action a grand victory, which in turn gave momentum to the British labor movement and particularly to organizing lower-wage workers. Manning’s impact on the Catholic social conscience was not limited to the union members. Many Catholics in the middle-class and upper-class of that time became attentive to urban/industrial poverty because of Manning.
Von Ketteler and Manning were spiritual ghostwriters for Leo XIII’s On the Condition of Labor. They and others may provide the same service to Leo XIV when, I predict, he soon issues a major document about the condition of post-industrial workers.
Droel is
editor at National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629). It
distributes a new edition of On the Condition of Labor by Pope Leo XIII;
$8 includes postage.
The Camino to the shrine of Santiago, the Moorslayer, commemorates the events during Spain's Reconquista (9th - 15th Century) when thousands of Moors were killed in the name of 'Santiago.'
Santiago Matamoros, Saint James the Just
This is against the faith of Jesus of Nazareth who said, "Love your enemies." The shrine shows Saint James the Just, Santiago Matamoros, on his horse killing Moors. The Baroque Cathedral has lavish gold and silver decorations.
The Moorslayer's Shrine
Ironically scripture scholars note that Saint James the Just was one of the brothers of Jesus of Nazareth.
Wouldn't it be more suitable to have a trail that contrasts with the Camino in Spain? It could be called the Trail of Faith. i suggest it be the Santa Fe Trail (Holy Faith Trail).
The Trail in southwestern United States leads to Santa Fe, New Mexico from Missouri. The main plaza in Santa Fe once had a monument to the American army which slaughtered Indigenous people. The monument was toppled on October 12, 2020 because of its disrespect for Native Americans. The text on the monument described Native Americans as 'savages.' In contrast, Santa Fe's Cathedral, a few blocks away, features a statue of Saint Francis, the advocate of peace.
Eva Longoria in her CNN special, "Finding Spain," does an outstanding job of presenting the very special food of Galicia, a province of northwestern Spain. It's a wonderful travel ad.
A brief stop at the Cathedral in Santiago de Compostela points to another tourist attraction, the Camino de Santiago. The presentation emphasizes the traditional seafood of Galicia but ignores the deep hatred of Muslims depicted in the Cathedral with the statue of saint James, Santiago Matamoros, Jimmy the Muslim Killer. Is it necessary to suppress hatred in order to enjoy the traditional and very special food of Galicia? Is there a connection between this tradition of hatred and the slaughter in Gaza?
Santiago Matamoros (Jimmy the Muslim killer)
The practice of regular confession formed Catholic identity in our country for decades, promoting a sense of belonging. It provided a clear moral method for a seemingly well-defined world. It conveyed that hard things are worth doing. The sacrament also taught equality in that the commonality of sin could be seen every Saturday afternoon. To be sure, “for some people confession was meaningful and consoling,” details James O’Toole in For I Have Sinned: Rise and Fall of Catholic Confession in America (Harvard University, 2025).
Starting in 1968, however, “with a speed that may fairly be described as breathtaking, confession all but disappeared.” Already by 1975 a full 38% of self-identified Catholics never went to confession. Responding to a 1985 survey, clergy said the sacrament is “close to dead.” Yes, there are recent reports of students at the University of Notre Dame and a few other places lining the aisle for confession. Yes, a handful of the usual suspects still find their way to a parish confessional box or room now and then. “But the general picture remains unchanged,” O’Toole writes.
O’Toole begins by stating his challenge as a historian. The sacrament was inviolable. No matter what, a person’s confession was never disclosed. So how to find data? O’Toole patiently gathers plenty of material to produce an interesting, credible story. His sources include old Catholic magazines, particularly the “Question Box” columns, plus old parish bulletins, diaries, surveys of penitents and more.
Why the abandonment? Is there a way to revive the sacrament? If so, how?
The decline of confession was caused by all the modern cultural trends that erode the sacred and contribute to lower church membership. Additionally, internal factors, both those of commission and omission, dealt damaging blows.
For decades second graders (parochial and public schoolers) learned the basics of confession as a prerequisite to their first communion. Invariably both the formula and the content of one’s grammar school confession persisted. Eventually, adults decided that the triviality of the exercise wasn’t worth their effort.
As children advanced in school, distinctions in morality appeared, including actual grace vs sanctifying grace, venial sin vs mortal sin, remote occasion of sin vs proximate occasion, sin of commission vs omission,
and objective sin vs sin of full knowledge and will. During senior year of high school, students might hear about the complex principle of double effect. There also were lists about ethics for students to memorize, including the ten commandments, the six precepts or church duties and the seven works of mercy (now expanded to eight). Unwittingly this framework for morality could often overshadow a feeling of God’s loving forgiveness, the real purpose of the sacrament.
O’Toole devotes a chapter to the tension between psychological counseling and confession. As psychiatry developed from the late 1800s, it took a subtle toll on the Catholic outlook, “preparing the way for a steep decline in the practice of confession,” he writes.
The Catholic teaching on contraception as proclaimed in 1930 and reaffirmed in 1968 distinguished between acceptable natural means and sinful artificial means. Catholics quickly challenged the premise of the 1968 teaching. They protested, deciding that the confessional box was irrelevant to their intimate behavior.
In 1984 came a report about the child abuse of Fr. Gilbert Gauthe of Louisiana. Revelation of hundreds of other cases followed. More Catholics stopped confessing sin through a priest, scandalized by the terrible hypocrisy of bishops and other clergy regarding this deviance.
Is a comeback possible for this sacrament? The 1974 change in the name of the sacrament from confession/penance to reconciliation/forgiveness better reflects its good purpose. But that alone has not affected the numbers. In the early 1970s an experiment with a communal form of reconciliation became popular in parishes. For a time, it drew large numbers. However, the Vatican and local bishops disapproved of the form beginning in 1976. Also, Catholics began to understand the penitential rite during each Mass as close enough to the older type of confession which they abandoned.
Here and there, O’Toole mentions social sin, a concept found in both theology and the social sciences. A few young adults use the term in describing their sensitivity to destruction of the environment or in their opposition to racism and the persistence of homophobia.
There are young adults who in small groups and in movements have the courage to voice their complicity in social sinfulness. With patient listening, the whole church might hear from them elements for a fresh sacrament of penance. There is certainly a need for objective morality today, for reverence and for genuine forgiveness. Our libertarian culture now reduces all behavior to the art of the deal. An alternative culture of responsibility and mercy awaits creative types to devise necessary rituals.
Droel edits a print newsletter on faith and work, INITIATIVES (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629).
In March, the Democratic Party hit an all-time polling low. Their low poll numbers come, despite Trump wrecking the economy
With a decisive win in the Wisconsin State Supreme court race and Donald Trump's polling cratering, Democrats in Wisconsin and nationwide appear to be full of themselves in thinking they may have turned the tide in winning over working class voters.
But as bad as Trump is doing, Democrats are doing even worse. In March, the Democratic Party hit an all-time polling low. Their low poll numbers come, despite Trump wrecking the economy, arresting sitting Judges, and helping his billionaire funders, like Elon Musk.
Ironically, the reasons behind the Supreme Court victory, should give Democrats a wakeup call.
Wisconsin Supreme Court victory grew out of opposition
Just take a look at the Supreme Court race. What were the issues that drove voters to the polls, besides contempt for Elon Musk? They were all issues having to do with combatting the other side’s agenda and what Republicans took away:
-Abortion and the freedom to make your own medical decisions
-Gerrymandering and the right to have air elections
-Union rights and the right of employees to have a voice in the workplace through Act 10 and right to work laws.
The Democrats were right to fight all the Republican attacks on our freedoms, but working people want more than just opposing the other side. They want policies that actually make their life better, and on that, Democrats have failed.
Working people don't want to go back to the pre-Trump era, as Democrats seem to think. The very reason trump became popular was because those times weren't good for mainstream Americans. Just look at Milwaukee.
Why is Trump popular? Look at Milwaukee manufacturing jobs.
When I was a young man, I was offered employment at three manufacturing sites in the same week: AO Smith, American Motors and Allis-Chalmers. Three companies that paid a living wage, good retirement benefits and good health insurance.
Those companies are long gone, along with so many others, including Cutler Hammer, Ladish, Harnishfeger, Allen Bradley and the list goes on. What they all had in common were family supporting jobs and strong unions that make a good life possible.
Where did that work go? Thanks to NAFTA, and other "free" trade agreements, supported by Democrats (thanks, Bill Clinton) and Republicans, those companies fled or fell to the wayside trying to compete with cheap and in many cases, slave labor, abroad.
And now who is talking about bringing back American jobs? It's Donald Trump, not the Democrats. His plan is unserious and has no chance for success, but he realizes, unlike most Democrats, what is bothering working families.
Democrats, while certainly less onerous than Republicans, have failed miserably to fight for an agenda that would attract working people.
Here are 4 winning issues for the Democratic Party's agenda
What would a bold agenda look like that would move Trump voters; let's start with just a few issues:
1) Revitalizing the economy, centering on attracting jobs that have a legitimate change of growing in the United States. That would include passing the PRO Act, a bill that has stalled Congress and would make it easier for workers to join unions and have a real voice on the job and earn a living wage. It's no coincidence that when wealth in this country was more evenly divided, unions were strong.
2) Make medical care affordable and accessible by expanding Medicare to everyone.
3) Reform our tax system, so the wealthy pay their fair share, rather having a society were one man makes more than 50% of the population.
4) Develop "fair" rather than "free" trade agreements, that emphasize what's in the interest of the American worker.
This agenda is popular among the vast majority of people, but you will find few Democrats willing to pursue this. Even now the only thing you hear from member in Congress and at the local and state level, is Trump bashing.
Democrats spent four years criticizing Trump's first term and then, when they took office, they offered a few decent, but certainly not bold, alternatives to Trump. They lost office, once again, because their agenda was weak and did not meet the moment.
Next time a Democrat runs for office in your area, ask them what their agenda is, rather than just what they're against. Maybe it's time for a third party that actually has a popular agenda.
Frank Shansky worked at the Allis Chalmers Corporation in the 1970's and 80's and was chairman of the UAW Local 248 bargaining committee. He also served as the Director of the American Federation of Teachers Local 212 at Milwaukee Area Technical College for 30 years and was an elected delegate to the Democratic Party Convention twice.
Wisconsin: Land of shimmering lakes and life-giving streams. This natural beauty, the heart of our outdoor heritage, now faces a grave threat. The escalating climate crisis is poised to turn these pristine waters into stagnant, algae-choked wastelands – a future we cannot, and must not, accept.
We don't have to watch our beloved lakes and rivers degrade into murky shadows of their former glory. We cannot afford the devastating consequences of inaction: the increasing floods that swallow our neighborhoods, the crippling impact on our vital agriculture and tourism industries, and the staggering costs to our public health and schools.
But there is hope. Since it was formed in 2022, Wisconsin for Environmental Justice (WEJ) is a powerful coalition of environmental advocates, farmers, unions, faith leaders, tribal nations, youth groups and concerned citizens. United by a shared commitment, we are fighting to protect Wisconsin's environment for generations. Together, we can make a difference.
Our strategy is clear:
1. Expose the Truth: We are committed to raising public awareness about the direct link between the fossil fuel industry and the climate crisis, and the staggering financial burden this crisis places on every Wisconsin taxpayer.
2. Demand Accountability: We urge our state, cities, and counties to pursue legal action against the fossil fuel industry to recover the billions of dollars needed to address the damage they have caused.
The evidence is undeniable. A groundbreaking study commissioned by WEJ and released in the summer of 2024 reveals the shocking truth: decades of fossil fuel industry deception will cost Wisconsin taxpayers at least $16 billion by 2040 just to cope with the impacts of climate change. This amounts to a staggering $1 billion yearly, $'s desperately needed for childcare, education, and our crumbling infrastructure.
This isn't just about the environment; it's about your pocketbook. This study is the first comprehensive attempt to quantify the direct costs borne by Wisconsin taxpayers, from skyrocketing school closures and the relentless repair of storm-damaged roads and bridges to the overwhelming expenses of flood control and emergency services. These costs will only explode as extreme weather intensifies, diverting crucial funds from essential community investments.
Consider the stark reality facing communities across our state: Stevens Point could face $112.6 million in climate-related costs, Waukesha $117.8 million, and Milwaukee a staggering $554.1 million. In rural communities, the per-person burden is even more crushing. The tiny village of Benton could see $6,700 per resident in flood abatement costs, while Hamilton faces $4,200 per person.
This financial assault on Wisconsin families is unprecedented. With chilling foresight, the fossil fuel industry knew its actions would have catastrophic consequences. Yet, it chose to conceal the truth, prioritizing its immense profits over the well-being of our communities. Now, we, the taxpayers, are left to foot the bill for its reckless behavior.
The cost is already devastating. Between 2000 and 2020, Wisconsin endured 19 severe storms, two floods, and six drought-related billion-dollar disasters, totaling $100 billion in impacts, according to NOAA. Furthermore, Wisconsin spends approximately $14 billion annually importing fossil fuels – money that could be invested in our clean energy future, an industry that already contributes $16 billion to our state's economy. Wisconsin struggles to pay 1 billion annually for childcare, fund schools, and shore up aging infrastructure. On top of all that, according to the International Monetary Fund, fossil fuel subsidies in the United States totaled $ 757 billion in 2022. You add up all these costs, and the tax burden on each Wisconsin household is $ 53,278.
The price of inaction is too high.
Across the nation, over 35 political jurisdictions, including states like Minnesota and soon-to-be-filing Michigan, and cities like Chicago, are already taking legal action against the fossil fuel industry. A quarter of all Americans now live in states fighting for accountability.
Here in Wisconsin, our message is resonating. Mayors and county executives are recognizing the unsustainable burden on their budgets. We are also engaging in crucial discussions with 11 tribal governments, acknowledging their unique perspectives and the disproportionate impact of environmental damage on their communities.
The legacy of Wisconsin environmental champions like John Muir and Senator Gaylord Nelson calls us to action. Each of us has the power to make a difference, and your support is vital.
Demand accountability. Protect our future. Visit www.w4ej.org to sign our petition and learn the specific cost estimates for your community and contact information for your elected officials. Share this urgent information with your friends, family, and neighbors.
Our goal is clear: Justice in a court of law.
Wisconsin for Environmental Justice: A non-partisan, citizen-led, grassroots organization that advocates environmental justice and holds corporations accountable for actions that harm our communities.
The following is a summary of a very important book by Nicholas Ostler Sarasti. The story is about a sea battle that changed the course of history. An English expeditionary force led by Admiral Vernon attempted to establish English control in the Caribbean. Such control would have opened the possibility of English conquest in South America and in Mexico. One of Vernon's commanders was Lawrence Washington, the older brother of Washington.
In the early 18th century, the Caribbean becomes the battleground
for Britain and Spain as both nations vie for control of lucrative
trade routes. Amid rising tensions, Britain launches an ambitious
campaign to seize the Spanish stronghold of Cartagena de Indias, a
fortified city crucial to Spain’s dominance in the New World. The
mission is led by the ambitious Admiral Edward Vernon, who
commands one of the largest fleets in British naval history,
confident in a swift victory.
However, Cartagena’s defenses rest in the hands of the legendary
Spanish admiral Don Blas de Lezo, a battle-hardened strategist
known for his unmatched tactical genius. Despite suffering severe
war injuries - leaving him with one eye, one leg, and a crippled
arm - Lezo commands his vastly outnumbered forces with unshakeable
determination. As Vernon’s fleet arrives, a Spanish spy sacrifices
a lot to uncover the British strategy.
The British bombard the city in a relentless siege, breaching
defenses and pushing the Spanish to the brink. Yet, through
cunning naval tactics, strategic fortifications, and sheer
resilience, Lezo turns the tide, luring the British into a deadly
trap. Facing devastating losses and disease-ravaged troops, Vernon
is forced into retreat - his dreams of conquest shattered.
Though victorious, Lezo pays the ultimate price, succumbing to his
injuries. His legacy, however, is cemented in history as the man
who saved Cartagena against impossible odds. The battle remains
one of the greatest underdog victories of naval warfare, a
testament to the power of strategy, sacrifice, and the enduring
spirit of those who fight for their homeland.
“A country is not lost because some attack it, but because those
who love it do not defend it”.
- Don Blas de Lezo
This book, "Lord of the Seas: The War of Jenkins' Ear," can be purchased on Amazon.
