Friday, June 27, 2025

The Other Pope Leo by Bill Droel for Catholic Labor Network (www.catholiclabor.org); 6/16/25

 

Pope Leo XIV, originally of Chicago, chose his papal name to recall Pope Leo XIII (1810-1903), particularly his critique of the industrial revolution, titled On the Condition of Labor. The current Pope Leo is likewise interested in today’s social questions, including the looming effects of AI. “In our own day,” says Leo XIV, “the church offers to everyone the treasury of her social teaching in response to another industrial revolution and to developments in the field of artificial intelligence that pose new challenges for the defense of human dignity, justice and labor.”

The downside of the industrial revolution was increasingly evident during the 19th century. For example, there was in the early 1800s a movement among textile workers in Great Britian, called Luddites, who rebelled against specific machines that threatened their wages and the quality of their craft. Their protest sometimes included destruction of machines. Soon enough, however, factory owners and law enforcement put an end to the movement.

Social critics Karl Mark (1818-1883) and Friedrich Engels (1820-1895) advocated for a different economic system, famously in their 1848 Communist Manifesto.  Meanwhile, Charles Dickens (1812-1870) portrayed the terrible negatives of the industrial revolution in his popular novels. Pope Leo XIII added Catholicism’s voice in his May 1891 encyclical, On the Condition of Labor.

Although Leo XIII is credited as the pioneer of modern Catholic social thought, he was not the first. For example, Bishop Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler (1811-1877) of Mainz was an outstanding social, political and spiritual leader of the 19th century. In highlighting concepts like the common good, like employees as stakeholders and like solidarity, he laid the groundwork for a mature Catholic reflection on modernity.

The same year as the Communist Manifesto (1848) von Ketteler gave his analysis in six Advent sermons on poverty and inequality. These were refined in an 1864 book, The Laborer Question and Christianity.

Von Ketteler, member of an aristocratic family, opposed materialistic communism but was deeply troubled by the harsh effects of industrial capitalism. Von Ketteler thought some state regulation plus action by labor and charitable groups could temper extreme capitalism. Thus, von Ketteler advocated for the end of child labor, for limiting hours in a factory, for Sunday as a true day of rest, for disability insurance and temporary unemployment insurance, for state health and safety inspectors and for more cooperative enterprises. The key to a better capitalism was to break the belief that an individual is “the absolute master of things that he [or she] owns,” he preached.

Catholicism says private property is a right. But drawing upon St. Thomas Aquinas (1225-1274), von Ketteler explained that only God has “full and genuine property rights… When making use of his [or her] property a person has the duty to bow to the God-given order of things.” It “is a perpetual sin against nature [to hold] the false doctrine that property confers strict rights.” Catholicism “protects property,” von Ketteler said, “but wealth must be distributed…for the sake of the general welfare.”

Cardinal Henry Edward Manning (1808-1892), the second Catholic archbishop of Westminster, was long interested in family life, education, church-state relations, the working class and more. He was ordained as an Anglican in 1833 and later that year married Caroline Sargent (1812-1837). He was only 27-years old when she died. Manning became disillusioned with the Anglican Church in part because it was oblivious to the working poor. In 1850 Manning was received as a Roman Catholic.

Marx and Engels published their Manifesto in 1848. Von Kettler gave his Advent sermons in 1848. And in 1848 Manning added his objections to the industrial economy. He said that Christians need to be with the “poor of Christ, the multitude which have been this long time with us and now faint by the way…in mines and factories.” Manning, like von Ketteler, anticipated Leo XIII.

Manning was sympathetic to the situation among dockworkers. He mediated during the famous 1889 strike at the Port of London, stating that the employers’ refusal to negotiate was not a private matter but a “public evil.” Union members considered the outcome of their job action a grand victory, which in turn gave momentum to the British labor movement and particularly to organizing lower-wage workers. Manning’s impact on the Catholic social conscience was not limited to the union members. Many Catholics in the middle-class and upper-class of that time became attentive to urban/industrial poverty because of Manning.

Von Ketteler and Manning were spiritual ghostwriters for Leo XIII’s On the Condition of Labor. They and others may provide the same service to Leo XIV when, I predict, he soon issues a major document about the condition of post-industrial workers.

Droel is editor at National Center for the Laity (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629). It distributes a new edition of On the Condition of Labor by Pope Leo XIII; $8 includes postage.

 

Tuesday, June 10, 2025

Camino of the Santa Fe Trail

 

The Camino to the shrine of Santiago, the Moorslayer, commemorates the events during Spain's Reconquista (9th - 15th Century) when thousands of Moors were killed in the name of 'Santiago.'


 

      Santiago Matamoros, Saint James the Just


This is against the faith of Jesus of Nazareth who said, "Love your enemies."  The shrine shows Saint James the Just, Santiago Matamoros, on his horse killing Moors.  The Baroque Cathedral has lavish gold and silver decorations. 


                       The Moorslayer's Shrine


 Ironically scripture scholars note that Saint James the Just was one of the brothers of Jesus of Nazareth.  

Wouldn't it be more suitable to have a trail that contrasts with the Camino in Spain?  It could be called the Trail of Faith.  i suggest it be the Santa Fe Trail (Holy Faith Trail). 


                                             The Santa Fe Trail


The Trail in southwestern United States leads to Santa Fe, New Mexico from Missouri.  The main plaza in Santa Fe once had a monument to the American army which slaughtered Indigenous people.  The monument was toppled on October 12, 2020 because of its disrespect for Native Americans.  The text on the monument described Native Americans as 'savages.' In contrast, Santa Fe's Cathedral, a few blocks away, features a statue of Saint Francis, the advocate of peace.  





Tuesday, June 3, 2025

Finding Spain with Eva Longoria, a CNN special

 


Eva Longoria in her CNN special, "Finding Spain," does an outstanding job of presenting the very special food of Galicia, a province of northwestern Spain.  It's a wonderful travel ad.

A brief stop at the Cathedral in Santiago de Compostela points to another tourist attraction, the Camino de Santiago.  The presentation emphasizes the traditional seafood of Galicia but ignores the deep hatred of Muslims depicted in the Cathedral with the statue of saint James, Santiago Matamoros, Jimmy the Muslim Killer.  Is it necessary to suppress hatred in order to enjoy the traditional and very special food of Galicia?  Is there a connection between this tradition of hatred and the slaughter in Gaza?




Santiago Matamoros (Jimmy the Muslim killer) 

Wednesday, May 28, 2025

Confession: the Abandoned Sacrament By Bill Droel


The practice of regular confession formed Catholic identity in our country for decades, promoting a sense of belonging. It provided a clear moral method for a seemingly well-defined world. It conveyed that hard things are worth doing. The sacrament also taught equality in that the commonality of sin could be seen every Saturday afternoon. To be sure, “for some people confession was meaningful and consoling,” details James O’Toole in For I Have Sinned: Rise and Fall of Catholic Confession in America (Harvard University, 2025).

Starting in 1968, however, “with a speed that may fairly be described as breathtaking, confession all but disappeared.” Already by 1975 a full 38% of self-identified Catholics never went to confession. Responding to a 1985 survey, clergy said the sacrament is “close to dead.” Yes, there are recent reports of students at the University of Notre Dame and a few other places lining the aisle for confession. Yes, a handful of the usual suspects still find their way to a parish confessional box or room now and then. “But the general picture remains unchanged,” O’Toole writes.

O’Toole begins by stating his challenge as a historian. The sacrament was inviolable. No matter what, a person’s confession was never disclosed. So how to find data? O’Toole patiently gathers plenty of material to produce an interesting, credible story. His sources include old Catholic magazines, particularly the “Question Box” columns, plus old parish bulletins, diaries, surveys of penitents and more.

Why the abandonment? Is there a way to revive the sacrament? If so, how?

The decline of confession was caused by all the modern cultural trends that erode the sacred and contribute to lower church membership. Additionally, internal factors, both those of commission and omission, dealt damaging blows.

For decades second graders (parochial and public schoolers) learned the basics of confession as a prerequisite to their first communion. Invariably both the formula and the content of one’s grammar school confession persisted. Eventually, adults decided that the triviality of the exercise wasn’t worth their effort.

As children advanced in school, distinctions in morality appeared, including actual grace vs sanctifying grace, venial sin vs mortal sin, remote occasion of sin vs proximate occasion, sin of commission vs omission,

and objective sin vs sin of full knowledge and will. During senior year of high school, students might hear about the complex principle of double effect. There also were lists about ethics for students to memorize, including the ten commandments, the six precepts or church duties and the seven works of mercy (now expanded to eight). Unwittingly this framework for morality could often overshadow a feeling of God’s loving forgiveness, the real purpose of the sacrament.

O’Toole devotes a chapter to the tension between psychological counseling and confession. As psychiatry developed from the late 1800s, it took a subtle toll on the Catholic outlook, “preparing the way for a steep decline in the practice of confession,” he writes.

The Catholic teaching on contraception as proclaimed in 1930 and reaffirmed in 1968 distinguished between acceptable natural means and sinful artificial means. Catholics quickly challenged the premise of the 1968 teaching. They protested, deciding that the confessional box was irrelevant to their intimate behavior.

In 1984 came a report about the child abuse of Fr. Gilbert Gauthe of Louisiana. Revelation of hundreds of other cases followed. More Catholics stopped confessing sin through a priest, scandalized by the terrible hypocrisy of bishops and other clergy regarding this deviance.

Is a comeback possible for this sacrament? The 1974 change in the name of the sacrament from confession/penance to reconciliation/forgiveness better reflects its good purpose. But that alone has not affected the numbers. In the early 1970s an experiment with a communal form of reconciliation became popular in parishes. For a time, it drew large numbers. However, the Vatican and local bishops disapproved of the form beginning in 1976. Also, Catholics began to understand the penitential rite during each Mass as close enough to the older type of confession which they abandoned.

Here and there, O’Toole mentions social sin, a concept found in both theology and the social sciences. A few young adults use the term in describing their sensitivity to destruction of the environment or in their opposition to racism and the persistence of homophobia.

There are young adults who in small groups and in movements have the courage to voice their complicity in social sinfulness. With patient listening, the whole church might hear from them elements for a fresh sacrament of penance. There is certainly a need for objective morality today, for reverence and for genuine forgiveness. Our libertarian culture now reduces all behavior to the art of the deal. An alternative culture of responsibility and mercy awaits creative types to devise necessary rituals.


Droel edits a print newsletter on faith and work, INITIATIVES (PO Box 291102, Chicago, IL 60629).

Monday, May 19, 2025

I was union leader and Democratic delegate. Party needs to hear these truths. Frank Shansky - Special to Milwaukee Journal Sentinel

 In March, the Democratic Party hit an all-time polling low. Their low poll numbers come, despite Trump wrecking the economy

With a decisive win in the Wisconsin State Supreme court race and Donald Trump's polling cratering, Democrats in Wisconsin and nationwide appear to be full of themselves in thinking they may have turned the tide in winning over working class voters.

But as bad as Trump is doing, Democrats are doing even worse. In March, the Democratic Party hit an all-time polling low. Their low poll numbers come, despite Trump wrecking the economy, arresting sitting Judges, and helping his billionaire funders, like Elon Musk.

Ironically, the reasons behind the Supreme Court victory, should give Democrats a wakeup call.

Wisconsin Supreme Court victory grew out of opposition

Just take a look at the Supreme Court race. What were the issues that drove voters to the polls, besides contempt for Elon Musk? They were all issues having to do with combatting the other side’s agenda and what Republicans took away:

-Abortion and the freedom to make your own medical decisions

-Gerrymandering and the right to have air elections

-Union rights and the right of employees to have a voice in the workplace through Act 10 and right to work laws. 

The Democrats were right to fight all the Republican attacks on our freedoms, but working people want more than just opposing the other side.  They want policies that actually make their life better, and on that, Democrats have failed.

Working people don't want to go back to the pre-Trump era, as Democrats seem to think.  The very reason trump became popular was because those times weren't good for mainstream Americans.  Just look at Milwaukee.

Why is Trump popular?  Look at Milwaukee manufacturing jobs.

When I was a young man, I was offered employment at three manufacturing sites in the same week:  AO Smith, American Motors and Allis-Chalmers.  Three companies that paid a living wage, good retirement benefits and good health insurance.

Those companies are long gone, along with so many others, including Cutler Hammer, Ladish, Harnishfeger, Allen Bradley and the list goes on.  What they all had in common were family supporting jobs and strong unions that make a good life possible. 

Where did that work go?  Thanks to NAFTA, and other "free" trade agreements, supported by Democrats (thanks, Bill Clinton) and Republicans, those companies fled or fell to the wayside trying to compete with cheap and in many cases, slave labor, abroad.

And now who is talking about bringing back American jobs?  It's Donald Trump, not the Democrats.  His plan is unserious and has no chance for success, but he realizes, unlike most Democrats, what is bothering working families.  

Democrats, while certainly less onerous than Republicans, have failed miserably to fight for an agenda that would attract working people.

Here are 4 winning issues for the Democratic Party's agenda

What would a bold agenda look like that would move Trump voters;  let's start with just a few issues:  

1) Revitalizing the economy, centering on attracting jobs that have a legitimate change of growing in the United States.  That would include passing the PRO Act, a bill that has stalled Congress and would make it easier for workers to join unions and have a real voice on the job and earn a living wage.  It's no coincidence that when wealth in this country was more evenly divided, unions were strong.

2) Make medical care affordable and accessible by expanding Medicare to everyone.  

3) Reform our tax system, so the wealthy pay their fair share, rather having a society were one man makes more than 50% of the population.

4) Develop "fair" rather than "free" trade agreements, that emphasize what's in the interest of the American worker.  

This agenda is popular among the vast majority of people, but you will find few Democrats willing to pursue this.  Even now the only thing you hear from member in Congress and at the local and state level, is Trump bashing.

Democrats spent four years criticizing Trump's first term and then, when they took office, they offered a few decent, but certainly not bold, alternatives to Trump.  They lost office, once again, because their agenda was weak and did not meet the moment.  

Next time a Democrat runs for office in your area, ask them what their agenda is, rather than just what they're against.  Maybe it's time for a third party that actually has a popular agenda. 

Frank Shansky worked at the Allis Chalmers Corporation in the 1970's and 80's and was chairman of the UAW Local 248 bargaining committee.  He also served as the Director of the American Federation of Teachers Local 212 at Milwaukee Area Technical College for 30 years and was an elected delegate to the Democratic Party Convention twice.     

Wednesday, May 14, 2025

Wisconsin's Waters at Risk: The Fossil Fuel Industry's Billion-Dollar Burden on Taxpayers

 



Wisconsin: Land of shimmering lakes and life-giving streams. This natural beauty, the heart of our outdoor heritage, now faces a grave threat. The escalating climate crisis is poised to turn these pristine waters into stagnant, algae-choked wastelands – a future we cannot, and must not, accept.

We don't have to watch our beloved lakes and rivers degrade into murky shadows of their former glory. We cannot afford the devastating consequences of inaction: the increasing floods that swallow our neighborhoods, the crippling impact on our vital agriculture and tourism industries, and the staggering costs to our public health and schools.

But there is hope. Since it was formed in 2022, Wisconsin for Environmental Justice (WEJ) is a powerful coalition of environmental advocates, farmers, unions, faith leaders, tribal nations, youth groups and concerned citizens. United by a shared commitment, we are fighting to protect Wisconsin's environment for generations. Together, we can make a difference.

Our strategy is clear:

     1. Expose the Truth: We are committed to raising public awareness about the direct link between the fossil fuel industry and the climate crisis, and the staggering financial burden this crisis places on every Wisconsin taxpayer.

     2. Demand Accountability: We urge our state, cities, and counties to pursue legal action against the fossil fuel industry to recover the billions of dollars needed to address the damage they have caused.

The evidence is undeniable. A groundbreaking study commissioned by WEJ and released in the summer of 2024 reveals the shocking truth: decades of fossil fuel industry deception will cost Wisconsin taxpayers at least $16 billion by 2040 just to cope with the impacts of climate change.  This amounts to a staggering $1 billion yearly, $'s desperately needed for childcare, education, and our crumbling infrastructure.  

This isn't just about the environment; it's about your pocketbook. This study is the first comprehensive attempt to quantify the direct costs borne by Wisconsin taxpayers, from skyrocketing school closures and the relentless repair of storm-damaged roads and bridges to the overwhelming expenses of flood control and emergency services. These costs will only explode as extreme weather intensifies, diverting crucial funds from essential community investments.



Consider the stark reality facing communities across our state: Stevens Point could face $112.6 million in climate-related costs, Waukesha $117.8 million, and Milwaukee a staggering $554.1 million. In rural communities, the per-person burden is even more crushing. The tiny village of Benton could see $6,700 per resident in flood abatement costs, while Hamilton faces $4,200 per person.

This financial assault on Wisconsin families is unprecedented. With chilling foresight, the fossil fuel industry knew its actions would have catastrophic consequences. Yet, it chose to conceal the truth, prioritizing its immense profits over the well-being of our communities. Now, we, the taxpayers, are left to foot the bill for its reckless behavior.

The cost is already devastating. Between 2000 and 2020, Wisconsin endured 19 severe storms, two floods, and six drought-related billion-dollar disasters, totaling $100 billion in impacts, according to NOAA. Furthermore, Wisconsin spends approximately $14 billion annually importing fossil fuels – money that could be invested in our clean energy future, an industry that already contributes $16 billion to our state's economy. Wisconsin struggles to pay 1 billion annually for childcare, fund schools, and shore up aging infrastructure. On top of all that, according to the International Monetary Fund, fossil fuel subsidies in the United States totaled $ 757 billion in 2022. You add up all these costs, and the tax burden on each Wisconsin household is $ 53,278. 

The price of inaction is too high.

Across the nation, over 35 political jurisdictions, including states like Minnesota and soon-to-be-filing Michigan, and cities like Chicago, are already taking legal action against the fossil fuel industry. A quarter of all Americans now live in states fighting for accountability.  

Here in Wisconsin, our message is resonating. Mayors and county executives are recognizing the unsustainable burden on their budgets. We are also engaging in crucial discussions with 11 tribal governments, acknowledging their unique perspectives and the disproportionate impact of environmental damage on their communities.

The legacy of Wisconsin environmental champions like John Muir and Senator Gaylord Nelson calls us to action. Each of us has the power to make a difference, and your support is vital. 

Demand accountability. Protect our future. Visit www.w4ej.org to sign our petition and learn the specific cost estimates for your community and contact information for your elected officials. Share this urgent information with your friends, family, and neighbors.  

Our goal is clear: Justice in a court of law.





Wisconsin for Environmental Justice: A non-partisan, citizen-led, grassroots organization that advocates environmental justice and holds corporations accountable for actions that harm our communities.

Wednesday, April 30, 2025

Summary of ‘Lord Of The Seas - The War Of Jenkins’ Ear’

The following is a summary of a very important book by Nicholas Ostler Sarasti.  The story is about a sea battle that changed the course of history.  An English expeditionary force led by Admiral Vernon attempted to establish English control in the Caribbean.  Such control would have opened the possibility of English conquest in South America and in Mexico.  One of Vernon's commanders was Lawrence Washington, the older brother of Washington.



Blas de Lezo, the Spanish Admiral

In the early 18th century, the Caribbean becomes the battleground

for Britain and Spain as both nations vie for control of lucrative

trade routes. Amid rising tensions, Britain launches an ambitious

campaign to seize the Spanish stronghold of Cartagena de Indias, a

fortified city crucial to Spain’s dominance in the New World. The

mission is led by the ambitious Admiral Edward Vernon, who

commands one of the largest fleets in British naval history,

confident in a swift victory.

However, Cartagena’s defenses rest in the hands of the legendary

Spanish admiral Don Blas de Lezo, a battle-hardened strategist

known for his unmatched tactical genius. Despite suffering severe

war injuries - leaving him with one eye, one leg, and a crippled

arm - Lezo commands his vastly outnumbered forces with unshakeable

determination. As Vernon’s fleet arrives, a Spanish spy sacrifices

a lot to uncover the British strategy.

The British bombard the city in a relentless siege, breaching

defenses and pushing the Spanish to the brink. Yet, through

cunning naval tactics, strategic fortifications, and sheer

resilience, Lezo turns the tide, luring the British into a deadly

trap. Facing devastating losses and disease-ravaged troops, Vernon

is forced into retreat - his dreams of conquest shattered.

Though victorious, Lezo pays the ultimate price, succumbing to his

injuries. His legacy, however, is cemented in history as the man

who saved Cartagena against impossible odds. The battle remains

one of the greatest underdog victories of naval warfare, a

testament to the power of strategy, sacrifice, and the enduring

spirit of those who fight for their homeland.


“A country is not lost because some attack it, but because those

who love it do not defend it”.

- Don Blas de Lezo


This book, "Lord of the Seas:  The War of Jenkins' Ear," can be purchased on Amazon.